BRIEF HISTORY 



BHOPAL PRINCIPALITY 



CENTRAL INDIA. 



FROM THE PERIOD OF 

ITS 

FOUNDATION, 

ABOUT ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY YSSlRS AGO, 

TO THE 

PRESENT TIME.- 



BY 



WILLIAMjaOlIGH, MAJOR, 

- 




PRINTED AT THE BAPTjfeT M 
CIRCULAR 

1845. 



INTRODUCTION. 



The exact period when Dost Mahomed 
founded the Bhopal principality is not stated 
in any printed work. He was born in the 
year 1657, and came, when young, to Delhi, 
it may be supposed, about the year 1680. It 
is, therefore, probable that the Bhopal princi- 
pality was founded about 150 years ago ; at a 
period when many of the existing principal 
Native powers were but small states. 

In the year 1778, when the Bombay and 
Supreme Government had determined to place 
Ragoba (Ragonath Rao} on the throne of 
Poonah, as Peshwah, a measure distasteful 
to the principal party at that Court, and to the 
Mahrattahs ; the latter confederated against 
the Bombay Government, and assembled, as 
acknowleged by themselves, 60,000 horse. 
The Bombay Government sent a force consist- 
ing of 4,000 men (of whom there were 700 



IV 

Europeans) to accompany Ragonauth Rao, 
who had a force of 20,000 men, to Poonah. 
The Bombay force was surrounded in the 
Bhore Ghat and on the 15th of January, 1779 , 
was compelled to sign the memorable treaty 
of Wurgaum. General Goddard was then* on 
his march to assist the Bombay Government, 
but was at a considerable distance It is 
stated in the Annual Register for 1782 (1) that 
"they (the Bombay Committee) informed 
Sindia they had brought a blank paper signed 
and sealed by the committee and principal 
military officers, which the Mahrattah chiefs 
were to fill up as they pleased. Sindia, with 
moderation and wisdom, advised the Mahrat- 
tah council not to take any unreasonable 
advantage of their own power, and of the dis- 
tress and necessity of the English: for, he said, 
'our making large demands would only sow 
resentment in their hearts, and we had better 
demand only what is necessary. Let Rago- 
nauth Rao, be with us, and the treaty between 
us and the English will be adhered to/ " This 
Sindia was Madhajee Sindiah, the uncle of 
Dowlut Rao Sindiah mentioned in this work. 

(1) Page 15 to 22 History. I have no where else found this 
information. 



BHOPAL PRINCIPALITY. 



THE 

PRINCIPALITY OF BHCM?AL 



THE History of the Bhopal Principality is 
one of the most interesting of the Native 
States iu India (1). The Mahomedan and 
Hindoo authorities, though they agree as to 
the principal facts in the life of Dost Maho- 
med Khan, the founder of the Bhopal family, 
are at variance with regard to several of the 
details connected with his establishment of 
independent power. This chief came, when 
young, from Afghanistan to Delhi, where he 
entered the service of a nobleman (2), of the 
same Affghan tribe, (3) to which he himself 
belonged. Dost Mahomed appears shortly 
after his arrival to have quitted the service 
of his countryman, and entered that of the 
emperor Aurungzeb. He was one of the 

(1) Sir John Malcolm m his " Central India/' vol I pp 349 
to 425, 3rd edition, 1S32, has given a very interesting account of 
the Nuwabs of Bhopal, from which, and from the works of Cap- 
tain James Grant Duff, and H. T. Prmsep, Esq., I have chiefly 
taken my information 

(2) JelalKhan. 

(3) The Mirajee Kheil. 

B 



party detached into Malwa, where he suc- 
ceeded in bringing himself to the notice of 
the governor of the province by his gallantry, 
and was in consequence rewarded by a nomina- 
tion to the superintendence of the district of 
Bersiah(4), the revenues of which aie stated 
to have been then greatly reduced by the 
unceasing depredations of freebooters. 

The progress of Dost Mahomed subsequent 
to this period uas very rapid. He first became 
possessed of Jnddeespoor, which was changed 
into the Mahomedan name of Ifelamnuggur, 
and became the capital of Dost Mahomed 
He next obtained possession of Bhopal, where 
he settled with his family and their adherents, 
whom he hajj invited from Afghanistan Dost 
Mahomed after this captured Cheynpoor Bar- 
ree and Gunnour, when he increased his 
army, and adopted measures to enable him to 
preserve the territories he had obtained. He 
built a citadel within the limits of the town of 
Bhopal, which he named Futtygurh ; having 
connected this with the town and enclosed the 
latter by a wall, gave to the whole a security 
which was indispensable to the object he had 
in view, viz. to increase the population and 
prosperity of his capital. 

About three years before the death of Dost 
Mahomed Khan, Nizam-ul-Moolk, who was 

(4) A town in the Mahrattah territories, in the province of 
Malwa, 30 miles fiom Bhopal, lat 23 42' N. long. 77 32' E. 



proceeding towards the Dekhan fro in Malwa, 
(of which province he had been for a short 
time governor), sought the friendship of the 
AfFghan chief against the Court of Delhi, 
which treatened him with an attack Dost 
Mahomed, from political motives, not only 
declined the Nizam's alliance, but acceded 
to*the requisition of his enemies, by aiding 
them with a force under his brother (Meer 
Mahomed Khan), who was slain in an action 
that ensued, in which the Nizam obtained the 
victory. The AfFghan chief, alarmed at having 
incurred the resentment of so powerful a prince, 
offered his, then, only son (Yar Mahomed 
Khan) as an hostage for his future good con- 
duct. The Nizam satisfied witlj this pledge, 
left him in tranquil possession of the countries 
he had subdued, and formed into a principality 
Dost Mahomed died at the age of 66 (5). He 
assumed the title of nuwab after the death of 
Aurungzeb, and it was amid the disturbances 
of that period that he formed the Principality 
of Bhopal. Whatever might have been his de- 
fects, there can be no doubts of his talents 
He was deemed, even in a tribe where valour 
is a common quality, a man of remarkable 
courage. His life was for more than 30 years 

(5) As Auinngzeb died on 21st Febiuaiy 1707, the Bhopal 
Puncipality must have been formed about 40 years ago, as Do&t 
Mahomed came to Hmdostan some years before the emperor's 
death 



one scene of warfare ; he had received in ac- 
tion above 30 wounds ; and his memory as a 
soldier is still fondly cherished by the family 
of which he was the founder. 

1733 On the death of Dost Mahomed Khan, 
the ministers at the Court of Bhopal elevated 
Sultan Mahomed Khan to the musnud, or throne, 
to the prejudice of his elder brother, Yar Ma- 
homed Khan, who had been carried into the 
Dekhan as an hostage by Nizam-ul-Moolk 
The pretext for this act was the absence of Yar 
Mahomed Khan ; but the real motive was a 
desire to conduct the affairs of the state during 
a long minority. Sultan Mahomed Khan was 
a child of 7 or 8 years of age, while his absent 
brother was youth of 18 or 20. The attempt, 
however, was not successful. The cause of 
Yar Mahomed was espoused by Nizam-ul- 
Moolk, and he was sent to Bhopal with the 
title of nuwab, escorted by a thousand horse. 
He also received from Nizam-ul-Moolk the 
high insignia of the Maha Muratib, or the 
dignity of the Pish, one of the first honors of 
the Moghul empire. This is still assumed as 
a hereditary honor by the nuwabs of Bhopal 
No opposition was made to his return ; but 
though Sultan Mahomed Khan was compel- 
led by the puthari chiefs to abdicate, they 
would not instal Yar Mahomed as Prince, 
being an illegitimate son ; on the pretext that 
the usages of his tribe prohibited his inheriting 



the name of Prince ; but, that there was no ob- 
jection to his exercising all the royal functions 
(6) The arrangements which took place on 
this occasion explain the origin of feelings 
which still exist, and give to theputhan colony 
aft Bhopai a very peculiar constitution When 
Dost Mahomed had, after his first successes, 
invited his brethren and kinsmen to join him, 
they were accompanied by his elder brother, 
Akii Mahomed Khan, who being at the head 
of a party attached to the usages of their coun- 
try, with a view to keep these unchanged, 
established certain rules for the regulation of 
all their personal and family affairs, which 
were deemed as imperative upon their chiefs 
and princes as upon the most obscure indivi- 
duals of the tribe. Akil Mahomed Khan was 
first in rank among these AfFghans, and his 
excellent character merited the distinction 
which his birth and their good opinion assign- 
ed him. This respectable nobleman was 
dewan, or prime minister. On his death (7), 

(6) Major Henley states, m his notes upon the Bhopai family, 
that Yar Mahomed's succession to power aiose from motives of 
policy, rather than fiom any precise rule on the subject Akil 
Mahomed (the elder bi other of Dost Mahomed) haw the neces- 
sity of complying as much as possible with the wishes of the 
Nizam, but it was settled that on Sultan Mahomed's enteungthe 
Durbar, Yar Mahomed should from courtesy rise to leceive him, 
and moving aside fiom the musnud, allow him to sit on the nsht 

(7) Akil Mahomed Khan was murdered at the hoolee He 
was great-grand-father to Kurreem Khan, who was dewan in 
1832 



6 

the office was conferred on Byjeeram, a Hin- 
doo, to whom Islarnnuggur owes its principal 
improvements : he built a palace, and augment- 
ed its strength by diverting the course of the 
Parwah, so as to make that river a ditch to its 
fortifications. 

1737. There are few particulars given of 
Yar Mahomed's life. He was succeeded by his 
eldest son (8), Feyz Mahomed Khan, who was 
then 11 years of age. The pretensions of his 
uncle, Sultan Mahomed Khan, were again 
brought forward by a strong party of Affghan 
lords. Feyz Mahomed, however, had been 
placed on the throne, and the army, amount- 
ing to 5000 men, remained firm to his interests. 
Supported Ijy them, he-made every prepara- 
tion to resist the attack with which he was 
threatened The Mahjee Sahibah, or lady 
mother (as the widow of Yar Mahomed was 
called), despatched a man of religious charac- 
ter, named Shah Allum, with a body of Hohil- 
lahs (puthans), to seize Sultan Mahomed 
The latter at first concealed himself, but in 
an affray which followed, Shah Allum was 
killed, and his party repulsed. On this intel- 
ligence reaching Islainnuggur, Byjeeram, with 
the young nuwab and his followers, immedi- 
ately advanced towards Bhopal ; and Sultan 

(8) Yai jMdhoined had four sons, Feyz Mahomed Khan, Hiyat 
Mahomed Khan, Yassein Mahomed Khan, and Seid Mahomed 



7 



Mahomed with his Affghans marched to re- 
ceive them. Imitating the usage of the Hin- 
doo saints and warriors, they dyed their 
garments with yellow (9), the hymeneal colour, 
which indicated, that they went to battle as 
t& a bridal feast., and were determined to die, 
or to live exulting conquerors. 

Byjeeram, whose numbers were superior, saw 
with pleasure his enemies quit the protection 
they had in the walls of Bhopal. He drew up 
in line of battle ; but his troops, who were 
chiefly Hindoos, would probably have been 
broken by the furious charge of the Affghans, 
had not these, when exhausted by their first 
success, been attacked, and in their turn routed 
by the desperate Rohillahs of Shah Allum, 
who continued faithful to the cause of Peyz 
Mahomed, and were eager to revenge the death 
of their late commander. The assailants were 
in their turn, defeated; their chief, Sultan 
Mahomed, fled to Seronj, whence he went to the 
hill fort of Rathgurh, into which he was ad- 
mitted by the governor. Here, he was imme- 
diately besieged by Byjeerarn ; but the Mah- 
jee Sahibah, or lady 'mother, seeing the evil 
of these family dissensions, interposed her au- 
thority, through the influence of which Rath- 

(9) A dye made from the flower called Kuswur in Hindoos- 
tanee. Using it on the day of battle, is among the Hindoos deemed 
a sacred pledge to die or conquer. Volunteers are often invited 
to assume the yellow dress, which implies desperation in any 
undertaking 



<nirh, with its dependencies were bestowed, in 
free grant, to Sultan Mahomed and his descen- 
dants ; but they were precluded, by the same 
agreement, from all future pretensions to the 
sovereignty, or any interference with the 
management of the Bhopal territory. 

The termination of these disputes was pro- 
bably accelerated by a sense of common dan- 
ger. The Peshwah, Bajerow, while returning* 
from Dehli, encamped on the plains between 
Lahore and Ashta and required, in the name of 
the emperor, whom he represented as soobah- 
dar, or governor of Malwa, a restitution of all 
the lands which the Bhopal puthans had usurp- 
ed. Resistance appeared unavailing, and the 
minister Bjjeeram, negotiated a treaty by 
which the Bhopal government made a sacri- 
fice of half its territories to save the remain- 
der. By this engagement, it lost the whole of 
its possession in Malwa, except a few towns ; 
what remained, which was chiefly in Gond- 
warra, was confirmed to the family by the 
treaty with the Peshwah. 

Soon after the departure of the Mahrattahs, 
the discontent of the garrison which occupied 
the hill fort of Raiseen (10) gave Byjeeram 
an opportunity of making himself master of 
that place, which has ever since belonged to 

(10) A town in the province of Malwa, the capital of a dis- 
trict of the same name, 126 miles east from Oujem, lat. 23 19'N, 
long. 77 4/' E 



the principality (11). The possession of it 
was afterwards confirmed by a sunnud from 
Delhi, which, as well as the title of cc Futteh 
Jung," given at the same time, was paid for 
by the nuwab. 

Byjeeram, the minister of.Feyz Mahomed, 
was a man of talents, and the country of 
Bht>pal attained a state of considerable pros- 
perity under his management. He conciliated 
the Gonds (13), who are the aboriginal inha- 
bitants of the southern portion of the Bhopal 
territory. 

On Byjeeram's death he was succeeded by 
his son Gassyram, who had only been in office 
a twelve month, when he was destroyed by 
two puthan noblemen. Gassyram is said by 
the Affghan biographers to have conferred 
all offices on his Hindoo favorites, and even 
to have cut off the noses of butchers who at- 
tempted to kill oxen or buffaloes ; and this 
account is confirmed by some respectable 
Hindoo writers. 



(11) It was taken m 1798, but recaptured by Vizier Maho- 
med. 

(12) This numerous class of Hindoos denominated Gonds, 
from their inhabiting Gondwarra, once held a high rank among 
the natives of this part of India, but they have been successively 
raduced by the Mahomedans and M ah rattans/ toh a very low state. 
This tribe, who inhabit both banks of theNerbudda, flora near its 
source to as far west as Ongkar Mundatta, are spread over the 
greatest part of the Nagpoor territories They have a language 
and usages distinct from other classes of Hindoos. 

C 



10 

On the death of Gassyram, a puthan named 
Ghyrut Khan succeeded to the office of dewan, 
which he held for six years, whenhe was poi- 
soned by a courtesan. His successor was raja 
Keisoree, of the Kayastha tribe (13), who had 
been a writer with Byjeeram : he was a man 
of talent, and the country prospered for 14 
years under his superiiidence ; but he chi&fly 
owes his celebrity to the circumstance of his 
massacre 

Feyz Mahomed Khan, who had embraced a 
life of austerity and devotion, had still a har- 
ani filled with ladies: amongst them there 
was one known by the title of Begum, or prin- 
cess, a native of Delhi Owing to some in- 
trigue being suspected, between the son of 
the minister (Keisoree) and the daughter of 
Ashruff Khan, some puthan noblemen planned 
the minister's destruction. Both he and his son 
were murdered Keisoree's widow, on hear- 
ing this, destroyed herself and the females of 
the family, by blowing up her house with 
gunpowder The explosion caused by this 
event gave the first information to Peyz 
Mahomed of the fate of his minister, whose 
death he is said to have deplored. Yesseiri 
Khan, the nuwab's brother immediately as- 
sumed the functions of minister of the state,. 
Nuwab Peyz Mahomed Khan, who had, 
nominally, governed Bhopal for 38 years, did 

(13) All writers and accountants. 



11 

not long survive this event : he died of a dropsy, 
brought on by his sedentary habits, in the 
48th or 49th year of his age. This prince 
was throughout his life a religious recluse, of 
very weak intellect, and of an enormous sta- 
faire, being nearly seven feet high, and his 
hands, when he was standing, reached below 
his'knees. He never but once went beyond the 
precincts of his palace Ghyrut Khan, when 
minister, carried him to Bhiisa, which had 
been for some time besieged, and it happened 
to fall soon after his arrival. The belief, which 
the ignorant Affghans entertained of the holy 
character of their chief was confirmed by this 
occurrence, and his memory is revered as that 
of a saint Feyz Mahomed had no issue 
His brother Yessein Mahomed Khan was at 
the head of the government during the few 
days he survived him. At his death, Hiyat 
Mahomed Khan was proclaimed rmwab ; but 
he was also, from disposition auJ habits, a 
religious recluse, and the actual exorcise of 
power continued with the person who held 
the office of minister. 

1775. The whole revenue of Bhopal at this 
time amounted to about 20 lakhs of rupees, of 
which a portion of five lakhs value in land was 
set aside for the support of the imwab. With 
this the minister had no concern ; it was man- 
aged in an office separate from those of the 
government, and the amount collected was 

c 2 



12 

appropriated according to the pleasure of the 
prince ; but, beyond this, he and his personal 
attendants were considered to have no further 
claim on the public treasury, or any connexion 
whatever with state affairs. The history of 
Bhopal, while thjs system continued, conbiste 
in the proceedings of the dewans, or ministers. 

Hiyat Mahomed Khan, when installed 
nuwab, had no children by his wife, but he 
had adopted four chelahs (14), or family de- 
pendants, who were considered almost as rela- 
tions. The eldest of these, Fowlad Khan, was 
the son of a Gond. The second, Jumshere 
Khan, was the son of a Gossein ; and the third 
arid fourth, Chutta Khan and Islam Khan, 
were the sons of a brahmin. The merit of 
having withdrawn these children from their 
errors, to the true faith, no doubt, constituted, 
in the mind of a pious Mahomedan prince, 
another tie to strengthen that of adoption. 
Fowlad Khan, the eldest of the chelahs, was 
the first who possessed the power of minister. 

1778. It was during his administration that 
the army under General Goddard passed 
through the territories of Bhopal. The inha- 
bitants of the country are justly proud of the 
part their prince took upon this occasion ; 
and with reason, for it was bold and decided 

(14) Chelah means, literally, an adopted dependant; it neither 
applies to a slave, nor an adopted child, but to a person who is 
admitted to the claims of a dependant relation. 



13 

in a degree beyond what their condition war- 
ranted. Every aid required was freely given 
by this state ; and, from the certificates still 
preserved by some of the heads of villages, 
it would seem that all ranks behaved in the 
most friendly manner to a^ body of men, 
who prized such conduct the more from hav- 
ingf in other parts of their route, met with 
nothing but hostility. That the remaining 
part of the march of the Bengal force., after 
it passed the Nerbuddah, was unobstructed, 
may in some degree be ascribed to the con- 
duct pursued by the puthans of BhopaL, 
whose behaviour on this memorable occasion, 
established a claim upon the British Govern- 
ment, which merited ajl the notice it has since 
received. In an official abstract made from 
the correspondence of General Goddard (15), it 
is stated that every effort was made to render 
the nuwab of Bhopal hostile to the English, 
but in vain ; he remained true to his first 
promise of friendship, though many of his 
fields and villages were, in consequence, plun- 
dered by the Mahrattahs. 

In addition to the testimony of Major Ge- 
neral, Sir John Malcolm, may be given the 
account of another officer, who had ample 

(15) Sir John Malcolm says, " I obtained this abstract of the 
proceedings of the Bengal detachment at Bombay. There are no 
records of the pi ogress of this corps in the political office at 
Calcutta." 



means of learning the nature of the friend- 
ship of the nuwab of Bhopal. Captain James 
Grant Duff, of the Bombay Army, in his His- 
tory of the Mahrattahs (16) states, that Cf Colo- 
nel Leslie having died of a fever on the 3rd of 
October 1778, Colonel Goddard immediately 
assumed the command of the troops, and in a 
few days afterwards, commenced his mdrch 
from Raj egurh (17), in Bundelkund, towards 
the Nerbuddah. His route lay by Mooltan, 
Khemlassa, Beilsah, Bhopal and Hoossinga- 
bad ; at the last mentioned place he forded the 
Nerbuddah on the 2nd of December. Before 
Colonel Goddard had quitted the Bundelkund 
territory, Ballajee Punt, the Mahrattah officer 
stationed at^ Sagur, by. whose machinations 
Leslie's progress was at first arrested, after 
many professions of friendship, made a per- 
fidious attack on the baggage of the army, 
in which he was completely foiled. The 
conduct of the Nuwab of Bhopal was precisely 
the reverse of that of the Mahrattah officer; 
he treated the English with the greatest con- 
fidence and hospitality, furnished them with 
every supply and every possible assistance, 
at the risk of incurring future enmity from the 
Mahrattahs, without the support of his new 

(16) Vol II. p. 384. A. D 1826. Foirnerly political Resi- 
dent at Satara. 

(17) A town on the west side of the river Cane, 18 miles 
south-east from Chattel poor, in Btindelkund 



15 

friends. This generous behaviour, on the part 
of the Nuwab, was never forgotten ; and it 
laid the foundation of a friendship, which, in 
modern times, has been laudably extended to 
his descendants by the British Government. 
After Colonel Goddard had grossed the Ner- 
buddahj he halted on the south bank of the 
river, to await some communications from 
Moodajee Bhonslay, particularly connected 
with his future operations/' 

There is a third testimony regarding the 
above transaction from the pen of H. T. 
Prinsep, Esq. (18), who had deeply studied 
the political affairs of India, and who, from 
his official position, had full knowledge of his 
subject. He says, alluding to the principality 
of Bhopal: ee On a former occasion, when 
General Goddard was sent by Warren Hastings 
with an expedition from Hindoostari, in exe- 
cution of his sagacious plan of alarming the 
Mahrattah powers, then confederated against 
us, into the acceptance of his own terms, by 
penetrating through the very heart of their 
possessions, the existence of this (Bhopal} in- 
dependent principality was one of the prin- 
cipal encouragements to make the attempt. 

(18) Narrative of the Political and Military Operations of 
Biiush India under the administration of the Marquis of Hastings, 
1813 to 1818 Quarto Edition, 1820, p. 39. Mr Prmsep was 
Persian Secretary to the Governor General, afterwards Secretary 
to the Government of India; and lastly a member of the Supreme 
Council of the Government of India. 



16 

The family are still in possession of the strong- 
est testimonials from General Goddard of 
the important services rendered him by the 
reigning Nuwab (Hit/at Mahomed Khan) (19) ; 
indeed, the ultimate success of the enterprise, 
and the final accomplishment of that officers 
wonderful march across an enemy's country 
all the way to Surat, were mainly to be attri- 
buted to his having found this principality in 
a state of independence, and hostility to the 
Mahrattahs, midway on his line of march/' 
Thus there are three well known authorities 
in proof of the friendly aid given by Bhopal, 
at a time when a British force was marching 
across India to the assistance of the Bombay 
Government, at a most .critical period of the 
affairs of the*East India Company. This assist- 
ance was afforded by a state which had no- 
thing, apparently, to gain by such a generous 
act while it is clear that it risked its very in- 
dependence as a state, the moment the British 
force marched from the southern bank of the 
Nerbuddah. The result proved the danger it 
was exposed to, for Sir John Malcolm states 
that " many of his (the nuwab's) fields and 
villages were, in consequence of his fidelity to 
his engagement, plundered by the Mahrattahs." 
What other state, or power, has ever acted in a 
similar manner towards the British Govern- 
ment ? The records of history are silent on the 

(19) Grandfather of the present Begum mother of BhopaL 



17 

subject : no parallel can be produced. Bbopal 
was not, at this time, in alliance with the British 
Government ; nor under stipulation to assist 
the Army of General Goddard, it was, there- 
fore, a generous, disinterested act, to which a 
parallel cannot be found in the history of Bri- 
tish India * 

Soon after the above events, a family quar- 
rel occurred, in which Jowlad Khan was 
slain, in an attempt to capture the old fort 
of Bhopal; then the residence of the widow of 
Yar Mahomed Khan ; who, from disgust at his 
resolute and tyrannical acts, had for some 
time resolved to subvert his authority, and to 
raise to power Chutta Khan, who she had 
taken care should be well instructed, that he 
might be competent to the dutieS of the high 
station. The history of this extraordinary 
princess, who lived to the advanced age of 80, 
and who for more than half a century greatly 
influenced, if she did not control, the councils 
of Bhopal, is very extraordinary. Her name 
was Mumullah; she came from Upper Hin- 
doostari. Though never publicly rnanied (20) 
to the Nuwab, Yar Mahomed, she became the 
principal lady of his family. She had herself 

* It is to be hoped that the records of the above expedition may 
be requested to be sent to Calcutta, as they are much requned to 
illustrate borne important operations of the Bengal Army 

(20) The Nikah was perfoimed on her union with the Nuwab. 
This engagement, thoiigh inferior to marriage, is still respectable. 
It is common where the condition of the parties is too unequal to 
admit of one more legitimate. 

D 



18 

no children, but all those of Yar Mahomed she 
considered as her own, and the title of Mahjee 
Sahibah, or Lady Mother, which was given her 
by them and all others, proves the respect in 
which she was held. From the account given of 
her conduct, under the most trying circumstaji- 
ces, it seems difficult to pronounce, whether she 
was most remarkable for the humanity oher 
disposition, or the excellence of her judgment. 
She was beloved and respected by all. Her 
memory is still cherished by the natives, both 
Hindoo and Mahomedan, of Bhopal, and it is 
consoling to observe, in the example of her 
life, that, even amid scenes of violence and 
crime, goodness and virtue, when combined 
with spirit and sense, maintain that superiority, 
which belongs alone to the higher qualities 
of human nature; and which, without these, 
can be permanently conferred by neither title 
nor station. 

This virtuous woman had every reason to 
congratulate herself on her choice of Chutta 
Khan, who proved throughout his life, the 
friend of the poor, and the promoter of order 
and tranquillity ; but, the determined resolu- 
tion with which he pursued these objects, 
brought him into violent collision with several 
of the principal nobles of the state, some of 
whom were his enemies from the first, being 
indignant at the elevation of one whom they 
deemed so much their inferior. Two brothers, 



19 

Kumal Mahomed and Sheriff Mahomed, who 
were nearly related to the Nuwab, on the fail- 
ure of a plot to possess themselves of Gunnour, 
retired with about 700 followers to wards Sahore. 
Chutta Khan pursued them, and, in an engage- 
ment which took place, Sheriff Mahomed was 
slain. Kumal Mahomed effected his escape, 
though wounded, with the son of his brother. 
The latter, Vizier Mahomed, then a youth, 
lived to preserve his country ; and to become 
the founder of the present family of Bhopal 

Among the conspiracies formed against the 
power of Chutta Khan, one of the most re- 
markable was that of Nijabut Mahomed Khan, 
a turbulent Puthan chief, the son of Yassein 
Mahomed khan, whose object was to murder 
the Nuwab and ministers. This tragedy was to 
be acted on the last day of the Ramazan, when 
all the Affghans of the Nuwab's family were 
assembled at the house of the Mahjee, or Lady 
Mother, to pay their respects to that princess. 
The alarm of treason was given by a domestic, 
and the fierce chief, finding he was discovered, 
flew at the Nuwab, but was overpowered and 
slain, not without a great struggle, as he is 
represented to have been a man of immense 
strength and desperate courage. Three of 
the principal conspirators were killed at the 
same time ; but not before they had cut down 
Rajah Bholanath, one of the principal Hindoo 
officers of the Government. 

D 2 



20 

The above events, and others of a similar 
character, greatly irritated the mind of Chutta 
Khan, and urged him to very severe, if not 
oppressive, measures. This change of con- 
duct is generally attributed to the death of 
the princess, by whom he had been raised to 
the high station of minister. He had certainly 
acted with great prudence and moderation 
while she lived, from respect to her advice, 
and confidence in her support; but when left 
alone, he saw his safety in another course. 
Enraged by the frequent conspiracies of the 
nobles against his power, he put to death some 
and expelled others. He removed this class from 
all offices of trust, \vhich were filled exclu- 
sively by persons on whose attachment he could 
rely. He established such a police within the 
walls of Bhopal, as completely suppressed the 
sanguinary affrays, to which some Pathans 
are so prone, and their turbulent spirit was 
for the moment subdued. By these means, 
Chutta Khan not only maintained internal 
quiet, but promoted, beyond all who had gone 
before him, the prosperity of the town, and 
country of BhopaL His next object was to 
remain at peace with his neighbours, but par- 
ticularly with Madhojee Sindiah, arid Ahalya 
Baee, who were, at this time, the chief rulers 
in central India. His principles of moderation 
were sometimes carried to an extent that as- 
tonished many* Of this, the following in- 



21 

stance may be given A few years before his 
death, the Pindary leader, Hera Baee, plun- 
dered and burned some villages of Bhopal. 
Chutta Khan sent troops in pursuit of the de- 
predators ; and they returned with 400 naked 
prisoners, who had been stripped of their 
horses and clothes. When these people ex- 
pected to I;e put to death, they were surprised 
to hear Chutta Khan direct that they should 
be released, and that each man should have a 
turban and a rupee to carry him back to his 
home, " Take this/' he exclaimed, ec but re- 
collect you shall have other treatment if you 
come again into my country/' AVhen those 
around him looked surprised, he said, these 
poor creatures are, of themselves, no objects 
of vengeance ; their leaders, from their con- 
nexion with the Mahrattah chiefs, are above 
my power; why outrage by useless violence 
those whose employers we cannot punish? 
They will now feel obliged by my humanity 
to their followers, who were in my power; and 
it will be an additional motive to make them 
refrain from attacking us." This occurrence 
and Chutta Khan's speech were stated by 
Khealee Ram, then a writer in his office, who 
witnessed and heard what he narrates, nor was 
Chutta Khan mistaken : during his life there 
were no more inroads made by these freeboot- 
ers on the territories of Bhopal. 
Chutta Khan was not above 40 years of age 



22 

when lie died. Though he had been brought 
up a Mahomedan, he appears to have continu- 
ed as much a Hindoo in his disposition, as he 
was in his appearance. He was of a moderate 
stature, slight make, temperate in his lan- 
guage, and smooth in his manners ; he coirf- 
bined art with resolution, and was, in short, 
in every thing, the opposite of that tribe" to 
which he belonged by adoption. 

On the death of Chutta Khan, efforts were 
made by several persons to obtain possession 
of his wealth. Nawaub, a Puthan officer, who 
had long been in his service, tried to make 
himself master both of his treasure and the 
Government ; but after several acts of great 
violence, he vvas forced to leave Bhopal, carry- 
ing with him property to the supposed amount 
of six lakhs of rupees. He left the unprotect- 
ed family of his late master to the oppression 
of their enemies The widow, after being 
plundered of every thing, was glad to escape 
alive. She was, in 1832, at Seronj, dependent 
for daily food on the Nuwab, Ameer Khan. 
Her only son, Ameer Mahomed, said to be a 
worthless character, w r as at the above time, one 
of the poorest followers of Guffoor Khan at In- 
dore. Such has been the fate of the family of 
a man, who, by his management, raised Bhopal 
to the highest state of prosperity. But these 
reverses of fortune are too common in India to 
excite attention^ much less commiseration. 



23 

1798. Himtnut Row, a native of Upper Hin- 
doostan, who had been during almost the whole 
of Chutta Khan's administration at the head 
of the revenue department, now received the 
title of Rajah, and was created Dewan, or 
Minister ; but during; the twelve months he 
held this office, he had hardly any power. 
Every thing was done by the Beebee (so Hiyat 
Mahomed Khan's favorite lady was called), 
and a eunuch of the name of Gul Khojah, in 
whom she confided ; and among other ruinous 
expedients to which these persons had recourse 
to avert the clangers that threatened Bhopal, 
amidst the confusion which at this period 
prevailed in Central India, Luckma Dada 3 
one of Sindiah's independent leaders was called 
upon as an auxiliary, and promised high pay 
and reward if he would recover the Fort of 
Hoshungabad, which had, immediately after 
the death of Chutta Khan, been attacked and 
taken by Ragojee Bhonslah, whose armies, 
aided by large bodies of Pindarries, had begun 
to lay waste the territories of Bhopal. 

While these events threatened the destruc- 
tion of this state, a person made his appear- 
ance as its defender, in a manner which gives 
to his history an air of romance which con- 
tinued to its close. He came to the gate of 
the city,, habited as a soldier of fortune, and 
attended by some well-mounted adherents, and 
on being stopped by the guard, proclaimed 



24 

himself to be Vizier Mahomed, the son of 
Sheriff Mahomed Khan, the cousin of the 
reigning Nuwab (Hiyat Mahomed Khan), with 
whom he desired an interview. This was in- 
stantly granted. The Nuwab, after the first 
salutation, asked him how he had subsisted 
during his absence from Bhopal. He frank- 
ly avowed that,, having been banished ftom 
his native country by the power of Chutta 
Khan, against whose administration his father 
had rebelled, he had been compelled to earn 
his livelihood by serving Huttee Singh, a plun- 
dering Rajpoot chief in the province of Omut- 
warra (21). He had learnt, he said, the pro- 
fession of a soldier ; and the reports which he 
heard of the distress and danger of the land of 
his ancestors, had made him determine, at all 
hazards, to offer his services, and to give his 
life (it was all he had), in any way the Nuwab 
pleased, for his country. The old prince was 
roused from his usual state of abstraction 
by the occurrence. He gave to Vizier Maho- 
med the endearing title of son, and hailed 
him (with a spirit of prophecy) as the future 
saviour of the state. 

1799 The period was one of action. The 
troops of Nagpoor were besieging Hoshunga- 
bad, and the depredations of the Pindarries 

(21) Omutoarra between 24 and 25 north latitude. Malcolm, 
p. 374=, (A. D. 1798,) says, " a youth made his appearance," &c. 
Visier Mahomed must have been at least 30 years old then. 



5 

were every day more dreadful. We may 
imagine how rapidly the fame of Vizier 
Mahomed,, who at once became a distinguished 
actor in these scenes, increased, when we are 
told, in eight months after he reached Bhopal 
bte was a popular candidate -for the office of 
Dewan. The Nuwab is said to have deter- 
mined on his elevation ; but it was opposed 
by his son, Ghous Mahomed, and the mother 
of that prince, who represented the danger of 
giving such a station to a person whose mind 
was still warm with the wrongs of his family, 
and who had a father's death to revenge. It is 
to be regretted that Vizier Mahomed was not 
made Dewan, after he had proved himself so 
worthy of that station ; for the JDewan who 
was appointed, was connected with Sultan 
Mahomed Khan's family, which had, when 
Byjeeram was Minister, been precluded from 
any interference with the management of the 
Bhopal territory. 

It was acknowledged, however, that a Put- 
han of high rank was necessary to the con- 
duct of affairs, and the choice, unfortunately, 
fell on Mooreed Mahomed Khan, the descend- 
ant of Sultan Mahomed Khan, (22) an here- 
ditary lord of Rathgurh. This chief refused 
to accept the office till the Mahrattah auxili- 
aries were dismissed. A large sum of money 

(22) Who was youngest son of Dost Mahomed Khan (the 
founder of Bhopal), and younger brother of Yar Mahomed Khan. 

E 



26 

was given them in consequence of their agree- 
ing to depart; and the new Dewan came, 
accompanied by a thousand adherents, to take 
charge of the Government. Mooreed Maho- 
med Khan, presented in his appearance and 
character a very remarkable contrast to Vizitfr 
Mahomed. He had more the look and man- 
ners of a Hindoo merchant, than an Affghan 
chief. On the first day of his arrival he en- 
camped at the garden of his grand-father, 
Sultan Mahomed Khan, where the day was 
passed in a display of tender feelings. He 
wept aloud at the recollections of the misfor- 
tunes of his family, which this spot brought to 
his mind, and embraced the trees which had 
been plante$ by his dear ancestors. (S3) Next 
day, when he was introduced to the old Nuwab, 
he addressed him in the most humble and ful- 
some language, calling him his more than 
father ; he lavished at the same time the most 
exaggerated praise on Ghous Mahomed. The 
Beebee, at whose court he next attended, was 
termed his aunt, and the person towards 
whom he looked for advancement. A still more 
extraordinary part was acted when the chief 
bankers and merchants of the city waited 
upon him. He refused their usual offer- 
ings of money, and made them presents of 
clothes, and honored some of the principal 

(23) Persian Manuscript. 



27 

with the titles of relations (24) Ail the citizens 
he met were conciliated by the most soothing 
language ; and, to gratify the poorer classes, 
he directed considerable sums of money to be 
distributed in charity. Many of the inhabi- 
tants of Bhopal were delighted by a demeanor 
to which they had been so little accustomed ; 
but the haughty and turbulent Affghan lords 
of that city could hardly repress their indigna- 
tion at a conduct which they considered dero- 
gatory and disgraceful. Some, better acquaint- 
ed with the individual by whom these acts were 
practised, waited anxiously till the veil should 
be withdrawn, and his real character developed. 
They were not long in suspense ; for in less 
than a month the vindictive and avaricious 
spirit which Mooreed Mahomed lhan evinced, 
in the oppression of the aged widow of Rajah 
Byjeeram, opened the eyes of all. His conduct 
on this occasion was the more despicable, 
from the distressed condition the poor woman 
had been before reduced to. His next attack 
was on the late Dewan, Rajah Himmut Row, 
whom with his nephew, Khealee Ram, (25) 



(24) Dherm Chund and Kool Chund were both styled 
cousins by this cajoling minister. The whole pioceedmgs of 
this period are taken from authentic manuscripts, and from the 
statements of actors in the scenes described 

(25) Sir John Malcolm says, "this person has been m my 
service for the last two years (1830-1831) He is a man of very 
clear intellect and has a complete knowledge of the affairs of 
Bhopal at this period." 

E 2 



28 

the manager of Bersiah, he confined for six 
weeks, till they paid a fine of 10,000 rupees. 
The supplies extorted from such sources of 
petty oppression were insufficient either to 
satisfy the Dewan's avarice, or the wants of the 
state, which latter every day became more 
pressing, from the general confusion that pre- 
vailed throughout the whole of Central Intlia. 
The Bhopal possessions, in common with 
others, were now overrun by freebooters and 
robbers of every description, and the troops 
it was necessary to maintain for their defence, 
were clamorous for their pay. To relieve these 
wants, Mooreed Mahomed Khan, imposed a tax 
on each house in Bhopal, which was levied ac- 
cording to the real, or supposed, wealth of the 
inhabitants ;^and those whom he had a short 
time before conciliated by the most endearing 
epithets, were now treated with marked seve- 
rity. Grown bold with success, the Devvan 
demanded money from the Beebee, and, irri- 
tated by her refusal, he determined on her 
destruction. (26) This lady though not mar- 
ried to Hiyat Mahomed Khan, had enjoyed, as 
his favorite mistress, all the rank and power 
of the first princesses. She paid little atten- 



(26) Mooreed Mahomed Khan had persuaded the Nuwab and 
Ghous Mahomed to forbid any person attending durbar with 
their arms* This order induced Vizier Mahomed and other Pat- 
hans to retire from court, such an unusual order was a warning 
to alii 



29 

tion to the Nuwab, who was absorbed in re- 
ligious contemplation ; which disqualified him 
for the management of the affairs of the prin- 
cipality. 

Mooreed Mahomed, after exciting the pre- 
judices of the Puthans against her, took the 
opportunity of a visit of ceremony to have her 
assassinated. Two of her principal officers 
were killed in her defence; and though she 
fled from the court where she was seated to 
the inner apartments, the partisans of Mooreed 
Mohamed followed and dispatched her. The 
secret motives of the minister's conduct were 
soon revealed, by the plunder of all the pro- 
perty this lady had amassed ; a great part of 
which he is believed to have conveyed to Rath- 
gurh, and other places, where, amid the rapid 
revolutions that ensued, it became lost to him 
and to the state. 

The next person whom Mooreed Maho- 
med Khan, marked for destruction, was Vizier 
Mahomed, whose reputation excited both his 
jealousy and alarm; but all his attempts 
against this young chief were unsuccessful. 
They added to the fame of the man whom he 
hated and dreaded. Vizier Mahomed, when 
sent with inadequate means to oppose the 
Pindarries, supplied, by his personal valor and 
judgment, the want of numbers, and obtained 
the admiration even of his enemies. Vizier 
Mahomed, when in the service of Huttee Singh, 



so 

of Omutwarra, had, on a plundering expedi- 
tion, the tail of his horse cut off completely. 
But, he knew his value too well to reject him 
on that account, and the fame of the horse, 
well known by this mark, and that of his rider, 
were associated It is asserted that the cry of 
" Banda ghora ka Suwar/' or the cavalier with 
the cut-tail horse, was certain to put the Pin- 
darries to flight, whatever were their numbers. 
Vizier Mahomed's penetration soon developed 
the artifices of the Dewan, and he was caution- 
ed not to trust himself in his power. A plan 
was laid by Mooreed Mahomed to cut him off 
near Cheynpoor Barree ; but the letter which 
contained the instructions was intercepted and 
the Governoj- (Raheem Khan) of that place, to 
whom it was addressed, was defeated, and fled 
wounded, with the loss of guns and baggage, 
into his fort, which next day surrendered to 
Vizier Mahomed. The news of this was re- 
ceived by the timid Dewan as the prelude to 
his downfall, and regardless of every thing 
but personal safety and worldly consideration ; 
he summoned to his aid a large body of Mah- 
rattahs under Balaram Iriglia (one of Dowlut 
Rao Sindiah's predatory leaders, who was then 
subsisting his force by pillage), and the stand- 
ard of Sindiah was, on the arrival of this force, 
displayed over the ramparts of Futtygurh, and 
the citadel of Bhopal. The next concession 
the minister desired to make to his new allies, 



31 

was the fort of Islamnuggur ; but \vhat his 
fears had granted, was saved by the spirit of 
an Affghan widow lady, named Motee Beebee 
(27), who, when the Mahrattahs were advanc- 
ing, ordered the gates to be shut, and the guns 
tft be opened, saying she knew not by what 
authority Mooreed Mahomed Khan, disposed 
of the Bhopal fortresses, and that she would 
not permit any strangers to intrude where she 
dwelt. The noble resolution of this high- 
minded female, appears to have been well sup- 
ported by the troops of the garrison ; and the 
Mahrattahs were forced to retire. 

Vizier Mahomed, who had been employed 
in establishing his authority over the country 
round Cheynpoor Banree, moved, the moment 
he heard of this occurrence, upon Bhopal. 
This led the Dewan and his Mahrattah ally to 
march out of Futtygurh to a plain four miles 
distant, where they were re-inforced by some 
infantry and guns, and a body of troops under 
Bappoo Sindiah. The fort on this occasion 
was left to the care of the since celebrated 
Ameer Khan, to whom the custody of Ghous 
Mahomed was also assigned. 

Vizier Mahomed had several sharp skir- 
mishes with the Mahrattahs, in which his 
courage and talent gained him the advantage ; 
but the numbers of his enemies would, perhaps, 
have ultimately prevailed, if the troubles 

(27) Aunt to Vizier Mahomed. 



32 

which commenced in Sindiah's own posses- 
sions had not made him direct his leaders to 
withdraw from all interference with the affairs 
of Bhopal (28). These orders were immedi- 
ately obeyed ; but Balaram carried with him 
the Dewan, Mooreed Mahomed Khan, as far 
as Seronj. He now accused that chief of 
being the author of all his disappointments, 
and of being concerned in the resistance which 
had been made to his occupation of the fort 
of Islamnuggur. The other, in vain, denied 
the charge, and stated how irreconcilable such 
conduct was with his own interests ; his noto- 
rious reputation as a deceiver, was brought 
forward by the Mahrattah leader in answer to 
all he could urge in his defence. He was 
threatened with torture, unless he immediately 
gave up the treasures he was known to pos- 
sess, and his fears and confinement brought on 
a violent illness ; but even this was treated as 
a trick, and when he died, Balaram refused 
for two days to allow his body to be buried, 
declaring his conviction that he had counter- 
feited death to effect his escape ; nor was it 
till putrefaction had commenced, that the 
Mahrattah chief would resign his prey, and 
believe that for once, Mooreed Mahomed 
Khan did not practise deceit! The name of 
this man is doomed to execration by his tribe, 

(28) The contest between Smdiah and the widqws of his 
uncle and predecessor, commenced at this period. 



S3 

and to this day, when a Puthan of Bhopal 
visits Seronj to pay his devotion at a shrine 
sacred to Murtiza Ali (29), it is deemed an 
essential part of the pilgrimage, to bestow five 
blows with a slipper on the tomb of Mooreed 
^4ahomed Khan ; to mark at once the con- 
tempt and indignation which his memory 
excttes. It is obvious that there was a funda- 
mental objection to the appointment of Moo- 
reed Mahomed to be the Vizier, as his family 
had been, by agreement, excluded from a y 
interference in the management of the Bhop ' 
territory; whereas he was allowed to hold th<r 
chief post in the state. His character, too, 
must have been before known, or suspected. 
Vizier Mahomed was in 1798, when he came 
to offer his services to the Nuwab, about 33 
years of age (30), and had proved by his cha- 
racter and conduct, that he merited, and he 
alone, the office of Minister. The result affords 
a dearly bought lesson to native Governments, 
and proves a want of wisdom in rejecting his 
claims, and the appointment to the office of 
Dewan, a man whose habits of business and 
character were not known : while Vizier 
Mahomed was cousin to the reigning Nuwab 
of Bhopal ; and against whose appointment 
there existed no valid objection. 

(29) This is the title by which the Caliph All, the nephew 
and son-m-law of the prophet Mahomed, is distinguished. 

(30) He died in February, 1816, aged 51 years. 

F 



34 

After the retreat of the Mahrattahs, Vizier 
Mahomed surrounded the fort of Futtygtirh, 
of which Ameer Khan still retained possession. 
The latter, however, soon agreed to give up 
Ghous Mahomed, and to evacuate the place. 
He afterwards entered into the service of Bho- 
pal, but was found so intriguing a character* 
that at the end of six months he was discharg- 
ed ; and proceeded to share the fortunes of 
Juswunt Row Holkar. 

1802. The mode in which the revenues of 
Bhopal were collected, has been already no- 
ticed. The Dewan, which office Vizier Maho- 
med now filled, received all the collections, 
except those appropriated for the personal 
support of the Nuwab > but this revenue, from 
the distracted state of Malwa, and the incessant 
incursions of the Mahrattahs and Pindarries, 
was at the present period, not above 50,000 
rupees (31), out of which an army was to be 
maintained, that could not be reduced below 
4,000 men without endangering even the no- 
minal sovereignty of a country, which it was 
always hoped might yet enjoy peace and pros- 
perity. Under such circumstances, Vizier Ma- 
homed cannot be censured for having, to pre- 
serve the existence of the state he governed, 
had recourse to the same irregular practices, 
to which all others, from Dowlut Rao Sindiah 

(31) Sir John Malcolm gives this sum. It could only be 
meant of the town of Bhopal. 



35 

down to the pettiest chief in central India, 
then resorted ; or in other words, to endeavour, 
to make his army support itself. This system 
of indiscriminate violence, which appears on 
the first view to confound all rights and pro- 
perty, and to attain its ends by any expedient, 
was, nevertheless, not without its distinctions ; 
certain principles being recognized, and, ge- 
nerally speaking, well observed by all parties. 
The Bheels and other tribes of petty robbers, 
plundered wherever they could. The chiefs of 
the Pindarries often contracted obligations 
with the principal sovereigns of the country, 
which limited their depredations ; and though 
these freebooters had never established any 
character for good faith or honor, they had a 
knowledge of their own interests which consti- 
tuted some check on their proceedings. The 
Grassiah, or Rajpoot chiefs, who, deprived of 
their lands by the Mahrattahs still claimed a 
share of their revenues, on the ground of their 
ability to injure them, were satisfied with a 
fixed or known Tunkhwah, or tribute from 
certain territories, on which they had a real 
or pretended claim; and their irruptions 
were directed to enforce this payment The 
latter class of freebooters were always natives 
of the soil, and generally the friends, often the 
relations, of the zemindars, or landholders. 
Their war was with the government, not with 
the inhabitants. The next and highest descrip- 



36 

tion of plunderers were the existing govern- 
ments. The armies and detachments of Dow- 
lut Rao Sindiah, Holkar, and other Mahrattahs, 
wherever they marched,, levied as heavy a 
contribution (32) as could be extorted from 
the managing officers of the province or towti 
they entered or attacked. At this period the 
greatest part of the revenues of central India 
was collected in the manner described. The 
Cumpoos, or brigades, of Sindiah and of Hol- 
kar, traversed that unfortunate country, mak- 
ing little distinction to whom the place be- 
longed, from which they desired to obtain 
money. The leaders of these corps had al- 
ways the ready excuse, if they desired it, of a 
mutiny among their troops for arrears of pay ; 
and the prince whose name they usurped, 
avowed or disapproved their actions, as it 
suited his temporary interests. 

1803. Vizier Mahomed, not satisfied with 
the reconquest of the districts which had 
been taken from Bhopal, levied contribu- 
tions on other states. He displayed equal 
gallantry and judgment in the various in- 
cursions he made into the neighbouring 
principalities, which he compelled to fur- 
nish a portion of revenue to supply his 

(32) The districts of Raiseen, Ashta, Sehore, Duraha, and 
Itchawar, were reconquered, and contributions were levied from 
Shujahalpoor, Bersiah, Bhilsa, on the north side of the Nerbud- 
dah, and from Seonee, and other districts south of that nver. 



37 

exhausted resources. But of all his exploits, 
there is none during this period of his life 
which reflects more credit on his character as 
a soldier, than the recapture of Hoshungabad, 
which he, in concert with the Pindarries, came 
ityon suddenly, and with such determined 
resolution, that he actually terrified its gover- 
nor'into a surrender (33). After this exploit, 
Vizier Mahomed carried on for several years 
a petty warfare, marked by vicissitudes, with 
the Mahrattah chiefs, who now considered him 
as a declared enemy. He, in consequence, 
endeavoured to strengthen himself by a con- 
nexion with the Pindarries. His first ally 
among the freebooters was Kurreem Khan, to 
whom he gave two villages in Bersiah. Chee- 
too, another Pindarry chief, entered also into 

(33) This event occurred m 1803. About a year after the reduc- 
tion of Raiseen, Hoshungabad had capitulated to the Nagpoor 
Rajah m 1799, and remained with him till thus recaptured The 
Marquess of Wellesley, Despatches, A D. 1837, vol. 4, p. 407, 24th. 
March, 1850, to the Secret Committee writes, fe About ten years 
ago the Rajah of Berar obtained possession of that fort by the 
treachery of the persons to whose charge it was committed 9 but 
shortly before the conclusion of peace between the British Govern- 
ment and the Rajah of Berar, the Nuwab of Bhopal, taking advan- 
tage of the adverse condition of the Rajah of Berar's affairs, recover- 
ed the fort and territory of Hoshungabad, and has since retained 
possession against the efforts of a considerable force of the Rajah 
of Berar. 57 Peace was concluded with the Berar Rajah on the 17th 
of December, 1803, and withSmdiah on the 30th December, 1803, 
after the battle of Argaum. Despatches, vol. 3, Appendix B and 
C. pp 633, 634. The Marquess would make the capture by the 
Berar Rajah about the year 1795. Malcolm, p. 386, gives the 
year 1798. 



38 

a compact of friendship with the prince of 
Bhopal. He was promised a place of refuge 
for his family in one of the fortresses, and 
received a grant of the village of Chippaneer 
on the Nerbuddah. This Pindarry leader, in 
return, aided the state of Bhopal against tlfe 
Rajah ofNagpoor. 

The relations between the state of Bhopal 
and the government of Sindiah had latterly 
undergone a considerable change, of which it 
is here necessary to take a retrospect. Mad- 
hojee Sindiah had been throughout his life, 
looked upon as the friendly protector of the 
Affghan principality; and though an actual 
supremacy was either asserted or admitted, 
still, there was, from tha policy of both parties, 
an implied connexion. This led to considera- 
ble importance being attached to the Khillut, 
or ordinary dresses, which Dowlut Rao Sindiah 
sent to the Nuwab, and to Vizier Mahomed 
Khan ; but, the latter, nevertheless, kept aloof 
when Sindiah required him to accompany his 
army, then on its march to attack Juswunt 
Rao Holkar. The consequence of this cau- 
tion was, that when the Pindarry leaders, 
Kurreem Khan, Dost Mahomed, and Cheetoo, 
were loaded with favors and created Nuwabs 
for the Mahrattah ruler now conferred this 
Mahomedan title (34), in consideration of the 

(34) " The bestowing this title had no form, but the chiefs, 
Sindiah or Holkar, addressing the favored person in writing, or 



39 

aid *they had given, the brother of Vizier 
Mahomed, whom he sent to congratulate that 
prince on his success, was received with such 
marked coolness, as left little doubt of the 
measures in contemplation. 
* 1804?. It has been before stated (1802) that 
Ameer Khan had entered into the service of 
Bh<5pal, but being found a very intriguing 
character, was discharged at the end of six 
months. It appears from the depositions of 
some of the prisoners taken at Mahoba in 
Bundelkund,by the force under Lieut-Colonel 
Martindell, on the 2nd of July, 1804, that 
Meer Khan was at that period of time ff en- 
gaged in hostile operations against the Nuwab 
of Bhopal ;" (35) on .the 29th of December, 
1804, the acting Resident at Dowlut Rao Sin- 
diah's court wrote as follows to the Marquess 
of Wellesley (36) " the preparations for ac- 
tive measures, which are still in train in this 
army, notwithstanding the assurances I have 
received of the intention of Dowlut Rao Sin- 
diah to proceed to his capital (37), appear to me 

verbally, as Nuwab ; on which the Chobdars or Durbar officers, 
proclaimed the new title, and the party ever after assumed it, 
was addressed by it in letters, and had it engraved on his seaL 
Smdiah had no title to make Nuwabs. The right existed in the 
Emperor of Delhi. After the last Mahrattah War (1817-18) the 
British Government made Ameer Khan, a Nuwab. 

(35) The Marquess of Wellesley*s Despatches, vol. 5, p. 143, 
Supplement Mahrattah War, Letter of the Governer General in 
Council, No. 2, dated 24th March 1805, to the Secret Committee. 

(36) Ditto, p. 132. (37)0ujeen. 



40 

to manifest an unequivocal spirit of hostility. 
My demand for the dismissal of Ghautka (38) 
has not been complied with, while the army ol 
Dowlut Rao Sindiah is daily recruited with 
fresh levies, and the situation of the armies of 
Baptiste at Bhopal, of Meer Khan at Bhilsa, 
and of other chiefs in Malwa, combined with 
the notoriety of the inimical counsels still in 
agitation at this court, indicate, in my judg- 
ment, a decided intention on the part of Sin- 
diah to commence hostilities at an early 
period ; I have, therefore, signified my resolu- 
tion of quitting camp should arrangements not 
be immediately adopted to convince me of a 
contrary spirit, and I shall deem it to be my 
duty to carry my design into execution (39), 
unless the Conduct to be instantly pursued by 
Sindiah, shall be perfectly satisfactory to my 
mind." 

1805. This year Sindiah and the Berar 
Rajah, after the Mahrattah war had been ter- 
minated, were desirous of attacking the Bho- 
pal state. Sir John Malcolm, as before observ- 



(38) Father-m-law to Smdiab. Ghautka was the chief adviser 
of all these hostile movements. 

(39) The conduct of Sindiah was very improper on this occa- 
sion. He would not permit Mr. (now Sir R ) Jenkins to quit 
his camp. It is usual for residents, as well as for ambassadors, 
at Native or European courts, to quit them when war is deter- 
mined on, or amicable relations have ceased The detention was, 
alone, a national insult, and a valid ground for a declaration of 



41 

ed, states that there was " an implied connex- 
ion" between Sindiah and the Nuwab of 
Bhopal. Major General the Hon'ble Sir Arthur 
Wellesley, in a letter to Colonel Barry Close, 
dated 4th March, 1805, (40) writes, There 
can be no doubt that the conduct of Sindiah 
throughout has been very improper, but not, in 
my 'opinion, in making an attack upon Bhopal 
or Saugur. There is no doubt but that he had 
a claim upon the Nuwab of Bhopal, and it is 
more than probable that he had one upon 
Saugur, which, as you observe, holds but very 
slightly on the Peshwah : but his misbehavi- 
our has been, in my opinion, principally to- 
wards Mr. Jenkins." (41). The Marquess of 
Wellesley and council, jin their letter, dated 24th 
March, 1805, to the Secret Committee of the 
Hon'ble Court of Directors, write (42) ec that 
the resident, Mr. Jenkins, told Sindiah that an 
attack upon the independent territory of Bho- 
pal was contrary to the provisions of the sub- 
sidiary treaty/' and that " the Nuwab of 
Bhopal had maintained the relations of amity 
and peace both with Dowlut Rao Sindiah and 
the British Government/' that Dowlat Rao Sin- 
diah began by justifying his conduct towards 
the Nuwab of Bhopal, by asserting that the 
Nuwab of Bhopal was a tributary to his Govern- 

(40) The Duke of Wellington's Despatches, vol. 2, p. 596, 

(41) The detention of Mr Jenkins. 

(42) Despatches, vol. 4, p. 419. 

G 



42 

rnent." Dowlut Rao, also told the Resident 
that " the design of His Highness was, by 
levying contributions from the Nuwab of that 
territory, to place his army in a condition to 
act with effect against the enemy/' (43) The 
Resident in his remarks upon Sindiah's con- 
duct writes, " The Nuwab of Bhopal is not a 
tributary state to Sindiah, so considered^ al- 
though it is true that he has been subjected to 
such exactions as the superior force of Sindiah 
has occasionally rendered it convenient for 
him to enforce; but, the true object of Sindiah's 
march to this place was founded on a plan 
concerted between him and the Rajah of 
Nagpoor, for the purpose of assisting Ragho- 
jee Bhonslah (44), in .wresting the fort and 
territory of Hoshungabad from the Nuwab of 
Bhopal. This plan has long been mentioned 
as an object of notoriety, but I did not con- 
sider myself at liberty to make a formal re- 
presentation on the subject, either to the Dur- 
bar or to your Excellency; but I have this 
morning been furnished with such proofs as 
leave no doubt of the fact in my mind, arid I 
am accordingly informed, that the troops of 
Nagpoor, stationed at the distance of about 30 
coss from Hoshungabad, have been ordered 
to resume their march towards that place, since 

(43) Holkar and Meer Khan are here supposed to be meant, 
by Sindiah but the British Government was evidently intended. 

(44) Rajah of Berar. 



43 

the invasion of theBhopal territories by Dowlut 
Rao Sindiah." The Resident adds " this 
violation of his engagements (45), by Dowlut 
Rao Sindiah, appears to me to be the more 
aggravated at the present crisis, as its obvious 
censequerice is to detach from the objects of 
the war against Holkar, whatever power the 
MaRarajah may be supposed to command, as 
well as to augment the number of our enemies ; 
by precipitating the Nuwab of Bhopai into an 
intimate alliance with Meer Khan." 

The Marquess of Wellesley further writes 
to the Secret Committee, (46) " the Minister 
(47) then proceeded to state that Hylut Rao 
had brought a letter from Meer Khan, pur- 
porting that he (Meer .Khan) was prepared to 
oppose any attempt on the part of the Rajah of 
Berar to molest the territory of the Nuwab of 
Bhopai. The Minister added that the Rajah 
had nevertheless determined to prosecute the 
expedition against Hoshungabad, and that 
Saccaram Bukshee, the Rajah's principal mi- 
litary officer, had taken the field with that 
intention/' 

It is obvious that there never was any soli- 
citation on the part of the Nuwab of Bhopai 

(45) Which Mr Jenkins considered as a breach of the Sth 
article of the treaty of defensive alliance, u by negotiating with 
the Rajah of Nagpoor, without giving previous notice and mutual 
consultation with, the British Government," 

(46) Page 434 

(47) Of the Rajah of Berar, speaking to the Resident 

G 2 



44 

to be placed under the protection of Sindiah ; 
what Sir J. Malcolm means by an ce implied con- 
nexion," it is difficult to understand, as he, at 
the same time, states (48) that cc no actual 
supremacy was either asserted or admitted. It is 
true, though, that, in the year 1798, (49) Him- 
mut Rao, the Minister of Bhopal, to avert the 
dangers which threatened Bhopal, amidst the 
confusion which at this time prevailed in 
Central India, invited Luckma Dada, one of 
Sindiah's independent leaders ; who was called 
upon as an auxiliary, and promised high pay 
and reward if he would recover the fort of 
Hoshungabad, which had been taken by the 
Rajah of Berar This was no application 
made to Sindiah, but to one of his " indepen- 
dent leaders/' The Marquess of Wellesley 
writes, (50) " The possession of the fort of 
Hoshungabad with its dependent territory, 
which belongs to the Nuwab of Bhopal, has 
uniformly been an object of the Rajah of 
Berar's desire, and his endeavours to obtain 
and secure that possession, have occasioned 
repeated contests between those chieftains/' 
Vizier Mahomed had recovered the fort, and 
it is clear that he would not have applied 
direct to Sindiah, whose connexion with the 
Rajah of Berar must have been suspected. 
Hence the minister applied to an independent 

(48) Page 387. (49) Page 3?3. 

(50) Despatches, vol. 4, p. 40f. 



45 

chief: arid it is difficult to imagine, how any 
such act could render an independent, a depen- 
dent state ! Major General Wellesley no 
doubt wrote under the belief that Sindiah had 
a claim on Bhopal, but he states no reason. 
He writes, " There is no doubt but that he 
(Sindiah) had a claim upon the Nuwab of 
Bhopal." Sindiah, too, only made the assertion. 
There was no proof of any tribute paid, or 
ever promised. Sindiah, as the stronger power, 
could send a force and extort money. The 
Berar Rajah might have done the same: so 
that Bhopal might have been liable to pay a 
forced tribute to both ! The fact is, that the 
relations between Sindiah and the other Mah- 
rattahs with the state? in Central India, were 
then little known. 

The Marquess of Wellesley states that the 
Nuwab of Bhopal?, fearing the hostility of Sin- 
diah, and of the Rajah of Berar, was desirous 
of placing himself under the protection of the 
British Government. He writes in the above 
quoted letter that " An Agent (51) from the 
Nuwab of Bhopal arrived in the camp of Dow- 
lut Rao Sindiah, with letters from the Nuwab, 
addressed to the Hon'bie Major Genl. Welles- 
ley, and to the British Resident of Dowlut 
Rao Sindiah's court* The object of this 
mission appeared to be founded on a report, 
that in consideration of a sum of money, Dow- 

(51) Enayet Musseah 



46 

lut Rao Sindiah was disposed to grant military 
aid to the Rajah of Berar, for the recovery of 
the fort and territory of Hoshungabad ; and 
under an apprehension that Dowlut Rao Sin- 
diah might he aided in the prosecution of 
that measure by the British troops, the Nuwab 
of Bhopal signified to the Resident, through 
the channel of his agent, his desire of pladng 
himself under the protection of the British 
Government, on the foundation of the engage- 
ment formerly concluded by him (52) with 
Brigr. Genl. Goddard (53). To this overture 
the Resident replied in terms of civility, by 
explaining those principles of British policy 
which preclude the interposition of our power 
to aid the purposes of conquest or to influ- 
ence the result of any contest between states 
with which the British Government is connect- 
ed by the ties of amity " The Marquess also 
writes (54) " It was obvious at the same time, 
that the march of Sindiah with his army to 
Hoshungabad, was favourable to the renewal 
of a confederacy between the Rajah of Berar 
and Dowlut Rao Sindiah, especially under the 
actual existence of circumstances which had 
a tendency to that effect/' And (55) " on the 

(52) Hiyat Mahomed Khan was the Nuwab. 

(53) It is a pity that the proceedings of the force under the 
General should have been kept at Bombay Sir J Malcolm does 
not mention any " engagement," but it is highly probable that 
future protection was solicited, and considered as promised. 

(54) Vol. 4, p. 414. (55) Page 419. 



47 

Resident's arrival in camp, Dowlut Rao Sindi- 
ah's army was in motion to invade the territory 
of Bhopal. The Resident followed Dowlut 
Rao Sindiah to Seonee, a small fortified village 
within the territory of Bhopal, which his troops 
\fere employed in attacking under the conduct 
ofSerjeRao Gautka (56). The Resident re- 
marked to Sindiah "That this procedure 
constituted a violation of the principles of the 
defensive alliance, which were directly adverse 
to aggressive war and conquest. That an 
attack, therefore, upon the independent terri- 
tory of Bhopal was contrary to the provisions 
of the subsidiary treaty." 

It was obvious, that the intention was to 
make a joint attack on Bhopal, ajid that hav- 
ing reduced it, the Berar Rajah and Dowlut 
Rao Sindiah, would have been strengthened 
by the event ; after which, Hoikar and Meer 
Khan (57) would have joined the confederacy, 
in an attack upon the British. It was, there- 
fore, desirable to prevent Sindiah joining the 
Berar Rajah ; and, thus, the general policy of 
the British Government insured, indirectly, 
<c protection to Bhopal ; for its destruction 
would have strengthened the power of the 
Mahrattahs in Central India ; after a long war 
had been waged by the British Government 

(56) The chief hostile adviser, and SmdiaVs father-in-law. 

(57) I have before shown that m 1804, Meer Khan did make 
an attack on the Bhopal territory. 



48 

in Upper Hindoostan, and in the South of India, 
to curtail their power and means of aggres- 
sion. In the unsettled state of the British new- 
ly acquired territories, the Government did not 
desire to do more than prescribe to Sindiah 
and the Rajah of Berar, upon general prin- 
ciples, a non-aggressive system of conduct. 
The noble and disinterested conduct of the 
Nuwab of Bhopal towards General Goddard's 
army, had earned the protection which it soli- 
cited. The state of Sindiah's and the Berar 
Rajah's relations in Central India, appear to 
have been imperfectly known. At the same 
time it is clear, as a general policy, that it is 
advisable to protect smaller states against the 
greater: for, otherwise, the lesser would be 
absorbed by the greater powers 

1806. Ghous Mahomed, the son of the 
nominal Nuwab, continued to regard Vizier 
Mahomed after his elevation to the office of 
Dewan, with envy and hatred, and in conse- 
quence entered into a league with the Pindarry 
chief, Kurreem Khan, to support his authority 
(58). Their first efforts were so far successful, as 
to compel Vizier Mahomed to retire from Bho- 
pal ; but, he soon returned, and drawing them 
from that capital, forced them to seek refuge 
in the camp of Dowlut Rao Sindiah, who was 
then engaged in the siege of a neighbouring 
fortress. Although that prince deemed this 

(58) Malcolm, p. 388. 



49 

the proper period to execute a design he had 
long cherished, of seizing Kurreem Khan (59), 
yet it did not prevent his listening to the 
complaints of Ghous Mahomed Khan ; and so 
eager was this prince to ruin Vizier Mahomed, 
tbat he engaged to surrender the fort of Islam- 
nuggur, pay four lakhs of rupees in cash, and 
present an annual tribute (60) of 50,000 to Sin- 
diah, with 11,000 rupees to his public officers. 
Having consented to these terms, he proceed- 
ed to Bhopal, after being invested with an 
honorary dress by Dowlut Rao Sindiah, whose 
ostensible support he seems to have thought 
sufficient to maintain him in power ; nor does 
he appear to have met with any opposition on 
the part of Vizier Mahomed. But what could 
Vizier Mahorned do while the Nuwab was 
alive, and the son was permitted to exercise 
the powers of Nuwab : and the minister had 
not always possessed the full executive autho- 
rity. 

The result, however, proves that while it was 
incompatible with the views of the British 
Government at the time to take Bhopal under 
its protection, it, unfortunately led to that state 
seeking support from Sindiah ; a measure, 
could it have been foreseen, it would have been 
good policy to have prevented. In the com- 

(59) This occurred in A. D. 1806, Sindiah afterwards pro- 
ceeded to besiege Rathgurh, which was evacuated. 

(60) The first mention of tnbute in any work, or document ! 

H 



50 

plicated interests which absorbed the rniud of 
the Governor General, and in the absence of 
real information as to the state of Central In- 
dia, the Marquess of Wellesley was, no doubt, 
anxious not to embroil the Government in 
another war ; and perhaps, too much credence 
may have been given to the declaration of 
Sindiah, that Bhopal was a state tributary to 
him. Prom the period of General Goddard's 
force being; in that part of India, till the year 
1805, Central India was little known; the 
interests of various states being so mixed up 
with the great Mahrattah Powers. It, also, 
proves that a great error was committed in 
not, at first, appointing Vizier Mahomed, De- 
wan, instead ofMooreecl Mahomed; but, when 
his oppressive conduct became known by such 
positive proofs, he should have been displaced, 
and Vizier Mahomed have been the Minister: 
and his noble conduct, merited all confidence. 
Consequent upon the above agreement with 
Sindiah, the fort of Islarnnuggur was immedi- 
ately surrendered to one of Sindiah's officers ; 
and 18 days after that event Hiyat Mahomed 
Khan, the Nuwab, died. He was 73 years of 
age, very corpulent, and of large stature This 
prince was completely exhausted by the harras- 
sing scenes amid which he lived ; and those 
near him relate that his invocations for death 
to release him were frequent and earnest. In 
the same year that Hiyat Mahomed died, Ho- 



51 

shungabad and Cheynpoor Barree were taken 
by the armies of the Nagpoor Rajah, one of 
whose generals, Sadick Ali, was invited by 
Ghous Mahomed to advance on Bhopal. Vizier 
Mahomed probably felt himself unable to 
prevent these ruinous measures, taken as 
they were by one who was the recognized 
Prince of the country. Vizier Mahomed in 
consequence, retired to the fortress of Gun- 
nour, leaving the capital, and part of his own 
property, to be plundered. Sadick Ali, after 
remaining at Bhopal about six weeks, retired 
towards Nagpoor, carrying with him the son 
of Ghous Mahomed, as a hostage, while the 
agents left in possession of Bhopal, placed that 
Prince under restraint. It was a desperate 
crisis of affairs, when Vizier Mahomed beheld 
his native country so near destruction by such 
powerful enemies : but, in will be seen that 
Vizier Mahomed triumphed over his enemies. 

1 807. Sindiah this year besieged Rathgurh, 
which fort was evacuated. Vizier Mahomed 
watched these events, and encouraged by the 
security that appeared to reign among his ene- 
mies, he determined on an attempt to recover 
Bhopal. He left Gunnour with his adherents in 
the evening, and by break of day reached the 
city ; (61) the walls were instantly assaulted, 
the Mahrattahs in the town were attacked and 
expelled, and the fort of Futtygurh was 

(61) A distance of nearly 40 miles. 
H 2 



52 

evacuated during the night Ghous Mahomed 
and Vizier Mahomed met the next morning, 
when the Nuwab declared that he had been 
betrayed by wicked men, whom he named. 
Vizier Mahomed ordered them to be immedi- 
ately produced, saying. ff If these are tbe 
wretches who have betrayed you, punish them 
forthwith/' Six Hindoo officers of rank' or 
more, were put to death. (62) Besides these, 
two brahmins were bound ; and a cow being 
killed before them, the blood was poured down 
their throats ; they were then liberated, and 
desired to go and describe the taste of cow's 
blood to Sindiah and the Nagpoor Rajah. It 
was thought that he had outraged the feelings 
of the Mahrattah princeg, of whom the traitors 
whom he punished were but the instruments, 
beyond the hope of forgiveness ; (63) but he 
succeeded for the moment, in averting the 
anger of Sindiah, by promising faithfully to 
fulfil the terms into which Ghous Mahomed had 
entered, and by sending his eldest son (64), 
as a hostage for the liquidation of such part of 

(62) Lai Jee and Hoop Chund were trodden to death by ele- 
phants. Nowlut Rae Lai, Bukshee (or Pay Master), Benee Lai, 
Moonshee (Secretary), and Sooruj Mull, were blown from guns 
Malcolm, p. 39 1- 

(63) Both Sindiah and the Nagpoor Rajah would have treat- 
ed any Mahomedans in a manner most degrading to their religi- 
ous prejudices. It was not an act committed from a religious 
feeling but the punishment of treason : on which occasions, 
torture is often resorted to. 

(64) Ameer Mahomed Khan. 



53 

the four lakhs of rupees as was still in arrear. 
Nothing but the determined conduct of Vizier 
Mahomed, at this crisis, saved the Bhopal 
principality : for, otherwise, Sindiah and the 
Nagpoor Rajah would have divided the prin- 
cipality between them ; and, thus strengthened, 
they would have thrown into confusion the 
while of Central India : and, then, would the 
Mahrattah War of 1817-1818, have been anti- 
cipated. 

1808. ef About a year after the above trans- 
actions, Vizier Mahomed reconquered the ter- 
ritories of Bhopal north of the Nerbuddah, 
which had been seized by Sadick Ali, (65) 
whose brother, the governor of those districts, 
was slain. Some mojiths afterwards, Arneer 
Khan solicited and obtained the assistance of 
Vizier Mahomed in a contest with the Rajah of 
Nagpoor. They came upon the troops of that 
prince in a situation where they were strongly 
posted; but Ameer Khan, nevertheless, pro- 
posed an immediate attack. Vizier Mahomed, 
who was remarkable, notwithstanding his 
sense and courage, for his superstitious preju- 
dices, (66) said the day was unfortunate, and 

(65) The Nagpoor Rajah's General. 

(66) " He always carried about him a Tuqweem, or Almanack, 
in which the good and bad days were noted, according to the 
calculations of astrologers ; but besides this he had great faith m 
omens. It is difficult to say, how much of this belief was real 
or pretended; he certainly, amidst the extraordinary vicissitudes 
of his life, often derived, and imparted to his followers, courage 
from the slightest events." 



54 

requested him to defer it. This, however. 
Ameer Khan refused to do, with an expressed 
contempt of the reason on which the advice 
was grounded. The action, in which he imme- 
diately engaged, had an unfavorable termina- 
tion. Ameer Khan being (from having fallen 
from his horse) reported slain, his followers, 
after plundering their own camp, fled in etfery 
direction. The discomfited chief went to the 
tent of Vizier Mahomed, who had taken no 
share in the battle, and requested he would ac- 
company him in the retreat he was compelled 
to make. But Vizier Mahomed, who was dis- 
gusted with the whole conduct of his ally, and 
quite indignant at the cowardice and want of 
discipline of his folio werg, bade Ameer Khan go 
back, as he liad advanced, alone. ce You," he 
said, " who have no country to fight for, may 
think a casual defeat of little importance ; but, 
in the defence of a state, the reputation of its 
leader is one of its strongest bulwarks ; and 
that, if once lost, cannot be regained ; what 
hopes could a people entertain of a chief in 
my situation, who shrunk from danger ? Re- 
treat, therefore, shall never be resorted to by 
me, till I have convinced my enemies that I 
am resolved to achieve whatever is within the 
range of possibility." (67) This conference 

(67) Malcolm says, " I took down this speech of Vizier 
Mahomed from the relation of a most intelligent native, who was 
present when it was made ; and had it subsequently confirmed 
by others who heard it." 



55 

was quite public. Vizier Mahomed acted as 
he said he would; he immediately led his 
troops, who were animated by his brave reso- 
lution, and proud of the superiority of their 
chief, against the Nagpoor army, which he for- 
ced, in their turn, to give ground ; but their 
numbers were too great, and he derived no be- 
nefit from his attack, except the substantial one 
of maintaining his high name by this temporary 
success." It is by such men as Vizier Mahomed, 
that kingdoms have been conquered or re- 
covered. Had such a chief accompanied the 
Emperor, Shah Alkun, to Delhi, when he went 
to ascend his throne : he never would have 
been a captive King in the hands of the 
Mahrattahs. 

1809. Vizier Mahomed's attempts, at this 
period, to obtain the assistance and mediation 
of the British Government, were again unsuc- 
cessful ; (68) " for though there was no doubt, 
from the character of Vizier Mahomed, that it 
was with a view to self-preservation alone that 
he had contracted friendship with the Pindarry 
leaders and with Ameer Khan, this could not 
prevent his being classed among those who 
had combined to overrun the territories of 
Nagpoor and the Dekhan. He had, in fact, 
not only co-operated with these plunderers, 

(68) Malcolm, p. 394. Enayet Musseah was employed on 
this occasion to endeavour to interest Mr. Jenkins, the resident 
at the court of Nagpoor, in his favor. 



56 

but his country was their professed asylum 
He was, in consequence, at this period, in 
imminent hazard from the British forces, 
which advanced under Colonel Barry Close 
across the Nerbuddah (69). That army acted 
in co-operation with the Rajah of Nagpoor 
against Ameer Khan ; but, Colonel Close had 
discretionary orders with regard to Bhopal. 

(69) Vizier Mahomed had been compelled to call in the aid 
of certain Pmdarry chiefs (chiefly Mahomedan leaders) when he 
found protection denied him from a higher quart ei The unset- 
tled state of Central India had allowed of the formation of Pmdarry 
Durrahs, under various chiefs Sindiah and the other Mahiattahs 
were compelled to assign them villages, to save their own terri- 
tories from plunder ! When the Marquess of Hastings in 1817 
took the field against the Pindarries, he had reason to know that 
either the Mahrattah powers would support the Pindarnes, or 
that they could not put them dewn ; which ever cause it may 
have been, it was the clear policy of the Governor General, to take 
the field with large divisions amounting altogether to 116,464 
men, regulars and irregulars. If, therefore, it required such a 
force to put down about 20,000 Pindarnes rated at one time 
at 40,000 how could the Bhopal state, having been obliged to 
call them in, speedily get nd of them ' Ameer Khan first aided 
Bhopal, then attacked its territory, and lastly solicited the assist- 
ance of Vizier Mahomed Lieut -Col. Blacker, Qr. Mr. General 
Madras army Memoir of the Operations of the British Army m 
the Mahrattah War of 1817, 1818, and 1819 published in 1821, 
(quarto,) gives the British force (regulars) at 87,591, but with 
irregulars, at 1 16,464, p. 25, and 295 guns. At p. 19, he gives the 
forces of Sindiah, Holkar, Peshwah, Bhonslah, Ameer Khan, 
Nizam, and Pindarnes, at 217,332 men and 589 guns : of this force 
he puts down the Pindarnes 16,500, and 20 guns 

At p. 18 he states that Captain Sydenham, Political Agent in 
Berar, estimated them, m 1814, at 20,000 and 18 guns . one half 
of them considered fit for military service, and the rest for the 
work of devastation and plunder. Lieut.-Col. Adams, in July, 1817, 
estimated them at 20,000 horse and foot, and 22 guns. 



57 

The court of Nagpoor was jealous of British 
interference, as Sindiah had been on a former 
occasion. The manly and open conduct of 
Vizier Mahomed, dispelled all doubt as to the 
character of his connexion with the Pindarries ; 
while Sadick Ali (70) was siezing Cheynpoor 
Barree and other possessions, Vizier Mahomed 
sent'an agent to Colonel Close^ to describe the 
necessity under which he had acted ; to urge, 
a third time, the claims of the Bhopal family 
on the British nation, for the aid formerly given 
to General Goddard ; and finally to state his 
complete acquiescence in whatever terms the 
Colonel might dictate. His agent was in- 
structed to declare distinctly, that no thoughts 
of opposition were entertained against a na- 
tion, which was regarded by the Princes and 
nobles of Bhopal, with an hereditary feeling of 
hope and confidence ; and towards which 
no extreme of distress could ever make them 
place themselves in the relation of enemies. 

The conduct of Vizier Mahomed and his 
officers, when the British troops were within, 
or near, his territories, corresponded with his 
professions. The policy of Raghojee Bhonslah 
(of Nagpoor) was vacillating The British 
Government had every day less cause to rely on 
the friendship of its ally ; who clearly was en- 
deavouring to ruin the Bhopal state, under cover 
of the presence of a British force : and by its 

(70) The Nagpoor Rajah's general. 



58 

presence to prevent resistance ! This aggres- 
sive policy was contrary to the treaty existing 
between the Rajah and the British Government. 
Vizier Mahomed saw, and took advantage of 
this state of affairs : he eagerly pressed the 
claim of Bhopal to British protection ; but Tan 
apprehension that interference in its concerns 
would involve much embarrassment, and carry 
the British Government beyond the limits 
within which they wished to confine them- 
selves ; led to the rejection of all the proposi- 
tions which Vizier Mahomed then made, and 
often repeated, during the seven successive 
years of his arduous and unsupported struggles, 
to maintain the existence of the state of which 
he was the Jiead. His not being able to obtain 
protection against his enemies, called forth 
those qualities of the statesman, and of the 
general, which flourish best in times of extreme 
difficulty and danger. But, though he proved ; 
successful, it was a dangerous alternative to be, 
reduced to. No doubt a belief in his high 
destiny supported him on the trying occa- * 
sion. In 1805, when protection was first 
solicited, the Marquess of Wellesley, Governor 
General of India, had very important political 
affairs to settle, at a period when he was about to 
leave India ; and Central Indian politics were 
but little known. In 1808, and during the 
time the Earl of Minto was Governor General, 
an army was sent to the banks of the Sutlege 



59 

to settle affairs with Runjeet Singh, the Sikh 
chief, who wished to subdue and annex to his 
dominions, the petty Sikh states lying to the 
south of the Sutlege ; which, for a series of 
years, had been dependent on the empire of 
Delhi. These states claimed the protection 
of the British Government, which they receiv- 
ed ; 'hence they are called the " Protected 
Sikh States/' Two expeditions were sent be- 
yond sea to the Mauritius and to Java. (71) 
It was unfortunate that circumstances did pre- 
vent protection being afforded to Bhopal till 
a later period : for the services rendered by 
that state to General Goddard in 1778, were of 
paramount importance. 

" Vizier Mahomed yvas at once an object 
of terror and of calumny at the "Mahrattah 
courts, particularly at those of Nagpoor and 
Gicalior. Their efforts to destroy him, had 
driven him to have recourse to every means 
for the preservation of himself, and his coun- 
try; but, forgetting that they were the real 
authors of the condition in which he was placed, 
they represented him as a willing associate of 
the Pindarries, the patron of plunderers ; and 
the chief enemy to the restoration of peace in 
Central India. His being viewed in this light, 

(71) The Goorkhas had, shortly after Lord Mmto arrived in 
India, attacked the Police Thannahs on our frontier, in theTeraee : 
and satisfaction being refused, his Lordship was compelled, by the 
above circumstances, to leave to the Earl of Moira, a Nipal Wan 



60 

created a combination of various states against 
him, which, from the strength collected, seemed 
to render his escape from destruction almost 
impossible. That he did baffle them all, 
evinces in a remarkable mariner, what the 
Natives of India are capable of effecting, when 
commanded by an able leader, who possesses 
their confidence and attachment." Vizier 
Mahomed was fighting to preserve his country ; 
the Mahrattahs to destroy it : and, here, right 
was victorious over the mighty efforts of his 
enemies, 

1812. In March, 1812, one of Dowlut Rao 
Sindiah's principal generals, Juggoo Bappoo, 
made an attack on Bhopal, with the troops of 
which he had several slight actions, but ap- 
pears to have made no impression. The pre- 
tence for this attack was the non-payment of 
a sum of money due by Vizier Mahomed to the 
government of Sindiah. On a small amount 
of money being given, and a promise of more, 
Juggoo Bappoo retired during the monsoon 
to a neighbouring district. After the rains, 
Juggoo Bappoo #gain advanced ; and the ap- 
proach of the Nagpoor troops under Sadick 
AH; announced the commencement of that 
combined plan of operations, which Sindiah 
and the Rajah of Nagpoor had for some time 
contemplated against Bhopal. Their object 
was its annihilation, and an engagement was 
entered into, by which the confederates agreed 



61 

to share equally, (72) the Bhopal territories : 
the complete conquest of which they antici- 
pated, as the certain result of their great pre- 
parations. 

The city of Bhopal, which stands on the 
high land of Gondwarra, north of the Nerbud- 
dah, is of considerable extent, and about four* 
mifes in circumference. It is surrounded by 
a tolerable wall, but was then without any 
ditch or other defence, on three faces. On 
the other, or southern face, is the citadel of 
Putty gurh, which stands on an eminence, and 
is defended on one side by the tank, or lake, 
of Bhopal ; a noble sheet of water, which ex- 
tends in length five miles, and is in average 
breadth about one mile. Most of the irregu- 
lar crags or heights upon the bank of the lake, 
had formerly been fortified; but all these 
works were, at this period, in a very bad 
condition, and their appearance, with that of 
the empty houses (for Vizier Mahomed had 
warned all the inhabitants who could not 
share in the toils and dangers of the siege, to 
depart), made Bhopal look more like a desert- 
ed ruin than the capital of a country. The 
following account was given to Sir John 
Malcolm by a respectable Mahomedan, named 
Ameer Khan, who had been a soldier, and had 
become a merchant. His written account 

(72) This was the original intention of Sindiah and the Rajah 
of Nagpoor, in 1805. 



62 

was composed and corrected by those of 
several others, and no fact is stated that has 
not been authenticated. Ameer Khan witness- 
ed the actions he described. 

1813. Vizier Mahomed had within the 
walls of Bhopal nearly 6,000 horse and foot 
in his own pay, 3,000 Pindarries, under Nam- 
dar Khan, nephew of Kurreem Khan, and 2,000 
men furnished by the zemindars of the Tai 
pergunnah, and by Ruttun Singh, Thakoor, 
or lord, of Satunbaree. (73) When Juggoo 
Bappoo (74), after the rainy season was over, 
invested Bhopal, he was joined by one of his 
officers named Dan Singh, who re-inforced 
him with 12 battalions of infantry and 30 
guns; and this force, Already amounting to 
25,000 men/ was subsequently augmented by 
the corps of Ram Lai and Krishna Bhow (75), 
consisting of 15,000 men, horse and foot, and 
an army from Nagpoor under Sadick Ali of 
nearly 30,000 men. When this great force, 
amounting altogether, it was said, to 70,000 
men (76) was assembled, the siege commenc- 



(73) The Bengal and Agra Gazetteer, vol. 2, part 2, p. 284, 
states, that at the commencement of the siege, the force did not 
exceed 8 or 10,000 men. This work was published under the 
authority of Lord Auckland, when Governor General. 

(74) His proper name was Jugapah Bappoo, but he is best 
known m Indian history by the name of Juggoo Bappoo. 

(75) Ram Lai, Commander of the Infantry, and Krishna 
Bhow of the Cavalry. 

(76) Sir John Malcolm says, "perhaps exaggerated by 10 or 



63 

d. During the first fortnight there was only 
a cannonading; after which the regular In- 
fantry commanded by Dan Singh, assaulting 
Vizier Mahomed's out-posts, drove them, with 
much loss on both sides, under the shelter 
of the town, (77) whilst the besiegers began to 
batter having occupied ail the advanced 
positions from which the besieged had been 
driven. The latter, when confined within the 
walls, suffered spme distress, particularly the 
Pindarries, who, representing to Vizier Maho- 
med that they were unable to procure forage 
for their horses, requested his permission to 
withdraw from the city. Vizier Mahomed 
consented, and the Pindarries withdrew by a 
by-road unknown to the enemy. Most of 
the mounted troops belonging to the zemin- 
dars were compelled, by the same necessity, to 
follow this example. Many promised, however, 
to assist as much as possible, by conveying 
grain to the town as opportunities should 
occur: they fulfilled their pledges, and the 
besieged received, for a time, occasional sup- 
plies by a secret road leading from the gates 
of the old fort of Bhopal, over hills and defiles. 
But a deserter from the town gave informa- 

15,000 men but acknowledged by all to have been very great." 
The Gazetteer, p. 233, says, " 50 or 60,000 men." 

(77) Major Henley, in his notes on this siege, states, " that 
the friends of Vizier Mahomed had the utmost difficulty in pre- 
vailing on him to abandon the tombs of his ancestors, where the 
principal battery of the enemy was afterwards raised. 5 * 



64 

tion to the enemy of this communication, 
and it was immediately stopped by Sadick 
AH, who occupied a space reaching from the 
gate of the old fort, to the Gunnour gate of 
the town wall. Juggoo Bappoo also took 
positions which commanded the approach to 
the principal gates of the town wall ; and the 
three or four remaining gates were blocked up 
in the same manner by Ram Lai and Krishna 
Bhow. Whilst the enemy were employed in 
preventing the ingress to or from the town, 
Vizier Mahomed made his dispositions for 
defence, by posting a certain number of men 
inside each gate, in the following manner. 

The old fort was guarded by a Rajpoot offi- 
cer, named Doongurh Singh, with 100 men. The 
Gunnour gate by Thakoor Jey Singh, with 200 
men. The Gondwarra gate by a Syud named 
Meer Bakur All, with 200 men. The Mun- 
gulwarra by another Syud named Nunga Sir 
(bareheaded), from continually going with his 
head uncovered, who had 200 men under him. 
'The Etwarra gate by Moolaeem Khan, with 
200 men. The Jumarath gate by a Chelah 
named Khoja Buksh, with 200. The Soond- 
warra gate by Moiz Mahomed Khan, the son 
of Ghous Mahomed (the Nuwab), with 400 
men; and the Hummamel gate by Kurreem 
Mahomed Khan, with 200. In a suburb, call- 
ed Vizier-gunj, founded by Vizier Mahomed 
outside the town, an officer named Gooishun 



65 

Rao was posted with 500 men. Putty gurh 
was defended by an officer named Dil Maho- 
med Khan, with 200 men. A fortified eminence 
within Futtygurh, called the Bala Killa, or 
upper fort, was guarded by a Rajpoot, named 
Jalim Singh, with 100 men. The Sally-port 
of Futtygurh was defended by Soota Khan, a 
Chelah, with 100 men. Vizier Mahomed did 
not restrict himself to any particular place ; 
but, with 500 men under his immediate per- 
sonal command, had a general superintendence 
over all the posts, to any of which he was 
ready to move as occasion required. This was 
the disposal of 3,100 Infantry. 

Vizier Mahomed gave a strict order to his 
troops that they should not expend ammuni- 
tion by firing unnecessarily, which could only 
tend to impress the enemy with an opinion of 
their unsteadiness ; and he was so rigid in en- 
forcing its observance, that after the occur- 
rence of several false alarms from unnecessary 
firing, he punished the offenders by cutting off 
their ears and noses, and expelling them with 
disgrace from the town. 

The siege commenced about the latter end of 
October. In November the regular Infantry of 
Juggoo Bappoo drove in the Bhopal out-posts, 
as before mentioned ; and in the beginning of 
December, the enemy took up the positions 
that have been detailed, to blockade the town 
gates ; shortly after this, Vizier Mahomed was 



66 

informed of a spot where treasure was suppos- 
ed to be concealed. He ordered the ground 
to be dug up, and found 22 large bags or sacks, ' 
containing each 8 or 10,000 pieces of copper. 
(78) He also found 30 small iron guns, in 
good condition : these he directed to be mount- 
ed on the walls, while the copper was coined, 
and distributed to the troops. Grain hadftow 
become no scarce, that only two seers (79) were 
procurable for a rupee. It has been stated, 
that every road to the town was blocked up 
by the enemy. But, the town of Bhopal is 
defended by a large lake on the western side, 
over which grain was, from time to time, 
transported in boats, for the use of the besieged, 
by some of the principal zemindars, or land- 
holders, of the country, and particularly by 
Ruttun Singh. The progress of the besiegers 
was slow during the first two months. The 
wall of the town of Bhopal was high and strong, 
and the Artillery of the enemy seldom fired more 
than 40 shots in a day, except on occasions of 
their making an attack. None had yet been 
made upon the body of the town ; but about 
the middle of December, a general assault took 
place. A storming party was directed upon 
every gate, whilst others attempted to escalade 

(78) Not above the value of a few thousand rupees were 
obtained by this search, no treasure was found ; only pieces of 
copper. 

(79) A seer is 80 rupees m weight; and, according to the 
Oujeen rupee, this may be estimated about 2 pounds avoirdupois. 



67 

the walls ; but they were repulsed at every 
point ; though not till after a conflict which 
lasted 18 hours. The conduct of Vizier Ma- 
homed on this occasion, gave great courage and 
confidence to the troops, and to the inhabi- 
tants. He flew himself, or sent succour, to every 
point that was pressed, till attack after attack 
was* abandoned, in despair by the assailants. 

1814. In the month of January two differ- 
ent assaults on the town were made at the 
same time one by Sadick All, on the Gunnour 
gate, and the other by Dan Singh, on the 
Mungulwarra gate. Some of the assailants 
were so successful as to effect an entrance by 
escalade over a part of the wall which had been 
battered near the top.; but they met with so 
warm a reception from the defenders within, that 
the whole of them were forced to retreat. The 
partial success of the attack on the Mungul- 
warra gate, having attracted the attention of 
the besieged, who all crowded to that quarter, 
the defence of the Gunnour gate was neglect- 
ed ; and a party were enabled to escalade the 
wall, and gain a bastion, where they planted 
their standard. This display, however, afford- 
ed but a short-lived triumph ; as the women 
of this quarter of the town, alarmed at the 
danger which threatened them, assembled in 
crowds on the tops of houses, and other high 
places, and attacked the enemy with a shower of 
tiles, stones, and other missies. The unexpected 



68 

annoyance from the Amazons galled the assail- 
ants so severely, that they were compelled to 
lower their standard, and could hardly main- 
tain their ground. At this juncture, Vizier 
Mahomed, having repulsed the attack at the 
Mungulwarra gate, arrived opposite to that at 
the Gunnour gate, where he was equally suc- 
cessful, forcing those who had entered to 
retire precipitately and with great loss. Ano- 
ther account states that the scaling ladders 
were thrown down, which left the assailants 
without retreat, and that the greater part of 
them were destroyed. 

Vizier Mahomed was quite delighted with 
the conduct of the women who had defended 
this unguarded post; and after highly ap- 
plauding their courage, he rewarded them 
with presents for the essential service which 
they had performed. No event that occurred, 
gave Vizier Mahomed such satisfaction as this. 
He was of a very sanguine temper, and inclin- 
ed to superstition ; and he drew a happy 
presage, from the display of valor made by 
the females of the town upon this occasion, 
that the place was not destined to fall into the 
hands of the besiegers. The situation, how- 
ever, of the defenders of Bhopal, became every 
day worse: during the month of February, 
the price of the coarsest grain rose to the rate 
of a rupee per seer, (or two pounds,) while the 
usual price of the best grain was 20 seers the 



69 

rupee. The boats had hitherto continued to 
bring occasional, though scanty supplies; 
but this mode of relief was discovered by the 
enemy, who bribed the boatmen to desert. 
This misfortune reduced the besieged to such 
distress, that numbers of the inhabitants, as 
well as the troops, were unable to resist the 
opportunity which offered of withdrawing; 
which, with casualties, diminished the number 
of the garrison from 6,000 to as many hun- 
dreds. The Mahomedan part of this body 
did not scruple to eat carrion ; while the most 
rigid of the Hindoos, endeavoured to appease 
the cravings of hunger by making food of 
bruised tamarind-stones, and the leaves of 
trees. They, howevejr, at times received as- 
sistance from the besiegers themselves; some 
of whom, tempted by exhorbitant profit, fur- 
nished, by stealth, supplies of grain, which 
were handed over the walls. 

During this month (February) some more 
efforts were made by Dan Singh, but with 
such unvaried bad success, that it excited the 
indignation of another commander, named 
Ram Lai, who resolved to make a desperate 
attack, boasting that he would in the course 
of next day be in possession of the town. In 
furtherance of this determination, he prepared 
an assaulting party of 3,000 chosen men, with 
which he marched before daybreak upon Vizier- 
gunj. The troops stationed at this point were 



70 

fortunately, on the alert, and opened a smart fire 
which gave the alarm to thebesieged in the town 
the latter immediately sent out two guns to 
their support, which, with those from the walls ; 
and from Futtygurh, were so well served, and 
did such execution, by a cross-fire, amongst the 
enemy, that when day broke, nearly 1,000 of 
them were killed and wounded. The assailants 
notwithstanding this loss, pushed boldly on till 
they advanced so close to the walls of Bhopal, 
as to be under cover from the cannon. At this 
crisis, Vizier Mahomed, with only 50 men, made 
a sally from the Jumarath gate, and the party 
of Vizier-gunj sallying from thence at the same 
time ; they made, conjointly, an attack upon 
the enemy with such desperate resolution and 
ardour, that they forced them to retreat, with 
their numbers reduced from 3,000 to little 
more than 500. Vizier Mahomed lost on this 
occasion 60 or 70 of his best men, which, with 
other casualties, lessened his adherents to the 
small number of 200. But Ram Lai, one of 
the bravest of the leaders of his enemies, was so 
much dispirited and affected by the loss of so 
many men, that he would never venture upon 
another assault. 

Grain was not now procurable in Bhopal, 
except such as was sold clandestinely by the 
besiegers ; even that was little, and at the en- 
hanced rate of 2 rupees per seer, whilst it con- 
tinued to be sold in the Mahrattah camp at the 



71 

rate of one rupee for five seers. To preserve 
life, the besieged had no other food than that 
which has been before mentioned, pounded ta- 
marind-stones and Casnee ; (80) and even these 
two articles were not to be had under the ex- 
horbitant price of a rupee and a half per seer. 

In the month of March; the besieged expe- 
rieflced some respite from hostilities on the 
part of the enemy, in consequence of the 
death of Juggoo Bappoo ; an event which 
occupied the Mahrattahs nearly a month. 
The performance of the funeral obsequies and 
rites of this chief, appears to have been deem- 
ed a duty that superseded every other. 

About the end of April,, one of Vizier Maho- 
med's officers, named Doongurh Singh, who 
had been stationed with a " party of 100 men 
(now reduced to 10) to defend the old fort, 
allowed himself to be tampered with by 
Sadick Ali Khan ; and he not only deserted his 
post during the night, but conducted about 
500 of the enemy into the fort he had aban- 
doned- It chanced that two men stationed at 
the old fort gate leading to the town, were 
alarmed at the bustle made by the Nagpoor 
troops as they entered. They imagined, at 
first, that it was created by Doongurh Singh 
returning from his rounds ; but, upon atten- 
tively listening, they became convinced that 

(80) Casnee, or wild succory. It was probably the root of 
this plant that was used for food. 



72 

the noise was that of a larger party than he had 
under his command. In order to ascertain the 
fact, they cautiously entered the fort ; and on 
arriving near the Mausoleum of the late Nuwab, 
Feyz Mahomed Khan, they found it filled by 
a body of the enemy, with the matches (81) 
of their fire-arms lighted. On this discovery, 
one of the men hastened to report the circum- 
stance to Vizier Mahomed, who inquired what 
had become of Doongurh Singh; the other 
replied that he could not tell, but advised that 
some prompt and decisive steps should be 
taken ; otherwise the enemy would soon pos- 
sess the town. On this remark, Vizier Maho- 
med, who had at that time only 30 men with 
him, cast as anxious glance at his son, Nuzzur 
Mahomed Khan, who, construing the expres- 
sion of his father's eye, into a wish that he 
should be the first to go against the enemy, 
entreated permission to do so. <c If matters 
are come to this crisis/' said Vizier Mahomed, 
" we must all go." But, on further solicitation 
from his son, he permitted him to proceed in 
advance with 12 men ; whilst he, himself, with 
the remainder of his party followed at a short 
distance. 

1814. In the mean time the enemy had 
not quitted the Mausoleum, but conceiving 
themselves already masters of Bhopal, had 

(81) The Irregular Infantry of native princes in India use 
matchlocks. 



73 

become neglectful of precaution: many of 
them had laid their matchlocks aside, whilst 
others undressing themselves sat down at 
their ease, enjoying the thoughts of their fan- 
cied success. On Nuzzur Mahomed arriving 
near the Mausoleum, two of the Puthans who 
were a few paces in advance of the rest, called 
out," with a view of deceiving the enemy, to 
those in the rear, " Come on, comrades, the 
enemy are very inferior to us in numbers." A 
volley was instantly fired by this small party, 
which did great execution, as the fire-arms of 
the Puthans consisted of a kind of blunder- 
buss, each of which was loaded with 30 or 40 
small balls. The enemy were thrown into the 
greatest disorder and consternation by this 
unexpected attack. They were also deceived 
by the call purposely made by the foremost 
Puthans ; and in this state of perplexity were 
incapable of adopting any plan of defence. 
Vizier Mahomed with his party joined that of 
his son, and the whole of this little band of 
Puthans threw aside their fire-arms, and draw- 
ing their swords, rushed with impetuosity into 
the Mausoleum. Those of the enemy who 
could escape, offered little or no resistance ; 
but they left behind them above 100 men 
killed and wounded ; and a number of their 
arms and clothes. Vizier Mahomed was on 
this occasion most severely bruised with 
stones, and Nuzzur Mahomed Khan, received a 



74 

deep sabre-cut on the shoulder, and a slight 
one on the head. This success was attended 
with more important consequences than could 
have been anticipated. In a few days after it 
occurred (in the beginning of May), Sadick All 
Khan, announced his having had a dream, in 
which he heard a noise uttering awful maledic- 
tions against him for his apostacy, in leagu- 
ing with infidels against the followers of the 
most high Prophet. He had been warned, 
he added, to desist from attempts which were 
alike futile and impious ; for, it was evident 
that the besieged were under the immediate 
protection of a Divine Providence (82). The 
impression, real or pretended, made on Sadick 
Aii, by this dream, was so great, that he, pub- 
licly, declared his resolution of conforming to 

(82) In this case, there were two Hindoo Powers (Mahrattahs) 
attacking a Mahomedan state. Sadick Ah, the Berar Rajah's 
General, was therefore, fighting against the Faithful, or those of 
bis own religion. According to the Koran, this is prohibited. 
On points of religion (Been) Sheeahs, may fight against Soonnees, 
supposing one paity to act contrary to the well known and 
acknowledged principles of the Koran At the processions of the 
Tazeeahs, pains are taken to prevent the two parties (Sheeahs and 
Soonnees) meeting They holding different opinions as to the 
successor of Mahomed In the general affairs of the world, and 
in domestic matters , there would be no clashing of interests ; the 
general principles of Mahomedamsm are the same with both the 
great divisions of the Faithful ; which are, to increase its propaga- 
tion , therefore, to aid any Hindoo power to crush a Mahomedan 
state, would by all Mahomedans, be esteemed as acting contrary to 
the spirit of the Koran. The death of Smdiah's General, Juggoo 
Bappoo, no doubt, was considered as a piophetic indication of the 
displeasure of Heaven. 



75 

what it dictated, and, in consequence, issued 
orders to his army to prepare to withdraw 
from Bhopal. Dan Singh, and others of Sin- 
diah's commanders, used many arguments to 
induce him to remain ; but their in treaties were 
answered by exhortations to follow his exam* 
pie ; if they wished to avoid the vengeance of 
Heaven. 

After the departure of Sadick Ali, which 
greatly injured the confederate cause, the lead- 
ers and troops of Sindiah, fatigued by a har- 
rassing service, which had already lasted nine 
months, during which they had lost many thou- 
sands of their men, without making any sub- 
stantial progress in their operation, desisted 
from any further attempts against Bhopal; 
and, after a fortnight spent in preparation for 
marching, they raised the siege by moving 
towards Sarungpoor (83), at which place they 
contoned. The above is the account given 
by the late Major General Sir John Malcolm, 
himself a distinguished officer, and the Hero 
of Mahidpoor. 

Captain James Grant Duff, in his history of 
the Mahrattahs (840 speaks of " the heroism of 
Vizier Mahomed in the gallant defence of Bho- 
pal." Another authority (85) states that (C the 

(83) A town in the province of Malwa, on the north side of 
the river Sopra, 55 miles north-east from Oojeen. 

(84) Vol. 3, p. 391 

(85) Bengal and Agra Gazetteer, vol. 2, part 2, p 233, A D. 
1841. 



76 

siege of Bhopal, in 1813-1814, is one of the 
most remarkable of the time, and the conduct 
of the chief, whose garrison at the commence- 
ment of the siege did not exceed 8 or 10,000 
men, is the theme of praise and admiration 
of the Mahomedans of India." 

The circumstances of this celebrated siege 
are of so remarkable a nature, that the reader 
of the military exploits detailed by the vari- 
ous Mahomedan and Hindoo historians, will 
fail to find the i-elation of any siege, which so 
well deserves to be held up to the example and 
admiration of future ages. It is famed for the 
skill and talent with which the plan of defence 
was formed ; and for the courage and gallan- 
try with which it was carried into execution. 

All accounts are agreed that the enemy's 
force was very great. Supposing their force 
to have been 50,000 instead of 70,000 men as 
stated by some, that of Vizier Mahomed was 
only 1 1,000 at the commencement of the ope- 
rations. But when, owing to want of forage, 
the 3,000 Pindarries were compelled to leave 
the town, and the mounted troops belonging 
to the zemindars had, from the same cause, 
left the place, Vizier Mahomed's force was 
reduced to less than 6000 men, (deducting 
casualties,) of which number nearly half were 
mounted troops ; for the protection of the 
gates of the town, Vizier-gunj, and the old 
fort, &c. ; the number of Infantry assigned 



77 

for their defence was only 2,600, with a 
reserve of 500 men ; so that there were only 
3,100 infantry. (86) The Cavalry, composing 
the remainder of the force, were, of course,, of 
little use except as dismounted troops, for 
there was a want of forage for their horses. 
When the operations of the siege commenced, 
the "enemy were eight times the number of the 
besieged. Vizier Mahomed's force was inad- 
equate to the defence of the place, which 
was four miles in circumference, and though it 
had a tolerable wall, it had no ditch, or 
other defence, on three faces ; so that were a 
breach once effected there would be no ditch 
to cross, and scaling ladders could be easily 
planted against the .walls ; or, if a perfect 
breach, or breaches, were made, the enemy 
could, by force of numbers, force a passage 
into the body of the place; and by making 
several attacks, the force of the besieged, at 
any one point, would be but small against 
such overpowering numbers* 

Men. Men. 

(86) The old fort, . ... 100 Vizier-gunj, 500 

The Gunnour gate 200 Futtygurh 200 

The Gondwarra gate 200 The Bala Killa 100 

The Mungulwarra gate 200 The SaUy Port of Futty- 

The Etwarra gate 200 gurh 100 

The Jumarath gate 200 

The Sondwarra gate 400 2,600 

The Hummamel gate 200 The Reserve 500 

Total, 3,100 



78 

The fortifications on the heights upon thtf 
bank of the Lake, were in a very bad condi- 
tion, and such imperfect works were rather a 
weakness to the town: because they would 
give cover to the enemy, while they could 
not be defended by a weak garrison. The en- 
emy could receive re-inforcements of troops, 
while the garrison could not obtain any 
addition of men; could the garrison have 
done so, they had not provisions to feed them. 
In this siege, the bravery of the garrison, 
and its devoted attachment to its leader, stood 
in the place of numbers. The justice of a 
good cause, often sheds round the defenders 
of the rights and liberties of their country, 
a halo of protection, which the enemies to 
good order and peace cannot penetrate. It 
was the destiny of Bhopal, that there existed 
in the person of Vizier Mahomed, the saviour 
of his country. 

The arrangements made by Vizier Mahomed 
for the defence of Bhopal, exhibit, at once, 
the talent of an able general. He saw that 
the enemy, confident in their numerical 
strength, would direct their attacks against 
the gates of the town ; and he accordingly 
posted parties at each, while he kept a reserve, 
under his own immediate command,, to aid 
any post requiring assistance. Foreseeing a 
siege of long duration, for it commenced with 
the beginning of the cold season, he early 



79 

warned all the inhabitants to depart who 
could not assist in the siege. Some with 
false notions of humanity, view such a mea- 
sure as harsh and inhuman ; but, it is founded 
upon the wisest principles of Government, 
that private persons should sacrifice their 
interests to the public good ; and had these 
people remained, they must have starved both 
the garrison and themselves ; their presence 
would have tended to cause the fall of the 
town, and have placed the principality in the 
hands of its enemies. (87) 

In 1812, Juggoo Bappoo, Sindiah's general, 
had made an attack upon Bhopal and failed, 
and retired during the rainy season. When 
the cold season arrived, the troqps both of 
Sindiah and of the Berar Rajah, advanced to 
make a joint attack. It might be asked, 
why was not a store of pro visions laid in to 
provide against such an attack? The answer 
is very easy. In 1806, Islamnuggur had been 
delivered up to Sindiah, and four lakhs of 
rupees had been agreed on to be paid, as well 
as an annual tribute. The pretence for the 
attack in 1812, was the non-payment of a 
balance of money due by Bhopal on this 

(87) At the siege of Pondicherry in 1760-1761 by Colonel 
Coote, the Governor, M. Lally, owing to the want of provisions 
turned out the native inhabitants , but, even his enemies never 
questioned the good sense of his conduct on this occasion. Mill's 
History of India, vol. 3, p, 262, 



80 

account. The loss of Islamnuggur and of 
other possessions., had reduced the resources 
of the state. Vizier Mahomed found the 
country, on his return to Bhopal, in a very 
depressed condition there did not exist the 
pecuniary means for the purchase of an 
adequate supply of provisions. In the dis- 
turbed state of Central India, and with' the 
large force of the Mahrattahs in the field ; the 
stored grain in the vicinity of the principa- 
lity, would be secured by them. The town 
of Bhopal has many places in which grain 
can be stored, but, as before the siege money 
was scarce, so it became more so afterwards ; 
and the garrison could not send out parties to 
bring in grain, had they possessed money with 
which to purchase it. There was no wealth 
in the place ; and the inhabitants who left the 
town, took what little they had with them. 

That the garrison would have been starved 
into a capitulation was certain, had not the 
Mahrattah grain-merchants, who accompa- 
ny armies, and live on the necessities of 
mankind, and are, indifferent as to the re- 
sult of the operations, so long as they can 
gain wealth, been induced, by the prospect 
of gain, to send in provisions during the night 
time, sometimes at a profit of 400 per cent ! 
Large quantities could not be supplied with- 
out detection, so that the supply, though 
at a high price, must have been scanty. It 



81 

may be asked where did the money come 
from, with which to purchase grain? The 
grain-merchants must have sold on credit, and 
have obtained 900 per cent, on their sales of 
grain : it was not an unsafe speculation, depend- 
ing for success, on the result of the siege, at a 
time when the Mahrattahs had failed in their 
grand attack. It is probable that during 
the cessation of hostilities consequent on the 
death of Juggoo Bappoo, a better supply of 
provisions was obtained by the garrison : with- 
out provisions, the perseverance of the garri- 
son would have been useless. 

When the garrison were so much reduced in 
numbers, the defection and treachery of Doon- 
gurh Singh was nearly proving fatal to the 
cause of Bhopal. That an enemy amounting to 
500 men should have been driven out of the 
Mausoleum by 30 men, exhibits one of those 
feats in warfare, of which there appears to be 
no parallel. The prompt decision and gallant- 
ry of Vizier Mahomed, and of his son, Nuzzur 
Mahomed Khan, who nobly emulating his fa- 
ther, led the advance of a party to attack six- 
teen times their numbers ; could alone have 
defeated such a very superior an enemy ; of 
whom they killed three times their own num- 
ber. Thus, though the treachery of Doongurh 
Singh placed in jeopardy the town of Bhopal, 
the occurrence afforded a brilliant opportunity 
of proving, in addition to former gallant deeds, 

M 



82 

the unrivalled resolution and gallantry of Vizier 
Mahomed. It was the crowning act in the 
defence of Bhopal. 

The grand attack made in the middle of 
December, 1813, commenced, it has been as- 
certained, about one and a half hour before 
day-break, so that the attack which lasted 18 
hours embraced several hours of darkness ; a 
period very favorable to the large force of the 
enemy, whose points of attack and numbers, 
would not be discernible ; there being no moon 
during the night of the attack (88). The du- 
ration of the attack is very unusual in Indian 
warfare ; and, when it is considered that the 
garrison were naturally reduced in physical 
strength from living so^longon bad and scanty 
pro visions, T3y which they were less capable of 
such a lengthened defence, while the enemy had 
plenty of food, the defence is the more remark- 
able. There seems no doubt that the Mahrat- 
tahs hoped, by continuing the attack, to wear 
out the garrison, and that during the darkness 
of night, they would be unable to prevent an 
entrance into the town : all these considera- 
tions, however, tend to render the defence so 
much the more memorable ; and the result un- 
expected, according to all the common chances 
of warfare. In the two subsequent attacks 
in January, 1814, the enemy, when they had 

(88) By the Almanac for 1813, it appears that the last quarter 
of the moon was on the 14th of December, 1813. 



83 

obtained a partial success, by entering a bas- 
tion, found, even in the women of the town, 
defenders they little calculated upon ; and by 
whom they were driven from the position they 
occupied. This event gave courage to ail, 
and exhibited a noble conduct on the part of 
the females of Bhopal, and well might Vizier 
Mahomed draw a happy presage of success 
from such an event. It proved to the enemy, 
that every man and every woman were deter- 
mined defenders. It exhibited a high feeling 
of patriotism and of devotion to the chief, who 
was considered " the saviour of his country." 

The attack on Vizier-gunj outside the town 
by 3,000 men, which preceded that made 
by Vizier Mahomed o-n the Mausoleum, prov- 
ed the astonishing courage and boldness of the 
defenders of Bhopal: recollecting that the 
whole force in Bhopal did not amount to above 
200 men ; and though in this attack several 
guns were used by Vizier Mahomed. This 
attack so discouraged the enemy, that they 
never ventured to make another assault. It is 
obvious, supposing the enemy to have lost 
several thousands of men during* the siege, that 
a blockade must have caused the fall of the 
town : but, the death of Juggoo Bap poo, and 
the dream of Sadick Ali, and the several de- 
feats against such an inferior force, caused the 
enemy to lose courage. Had the enemy 
succeeded in keeping possession of the old 

M 2 



84 

fort, supplies would have been thrown into 
the town with more difficulty. Thus ended 
this celebrated and memorable siege, which 
had lasted nine months, during which the gar- 
rison was reduced, after the Pindarries and the 
troops of the zemindars had been forced to 
withdraw for want of forage, from 6000 to less 
than 200 men. Most garrisons would long 
before the termination of the siege, have sur- 
rendered to the enemy, considering it a hope- 
less case : and, indeed, had not the Mahrattah 
grain-merchants supplied provisions, it would 
have been impossible to have held out, even 
against a tenth of the force employed against 
the place. (89) 

(89) It is related that, at one* time during the siege, Vizier 
Mahomed himself, almost thought it would be impossible to hold 
out against such an overwhelming force. A fuqueer, whether a 
Mahomedan or Hindoo was never known, had been at Bhopal for 
12 years. Vizier Mahomed went to him, and taking off his 
Turban and sword, placed them at the feet of the fuqueer, saying* 
" I have only so many troops how can I defend this place against 
so many thousands, by whom Bhopal is now surrounded." The 
fuqueer, thinking a little, said, "take up your sword and go 'mar 1 
(fight) the scoundrels, and you shall be victorious " Vizier Maho- 
med took up his turban and sword and returned into the city It 
has been stated before, that Sadick Ah Khan, the Nagpoor Rajah's 
general, had a dream. It is not known whether he, or one of his 
superior officers heard it ; but a voice was heard, issuing from a 
burying ground. The words said to have been uttered were, 
"mar, mar, mar, strike, strike, strike." The verb " marna," 
also means to " conquer. 1 ' 9 After the enemy's armies left Bhopal 
the fuqueer disappeared. Though there had been sentries posted 
to watch him on his first coming to Bhopal, no one could ever 
observe him to eat, 01 to sleep. He went to a mountain where he 
now is. He is said to be 100 years old, and not to have a white 



85 

1814. The danger to the city of Bhopal 
was not yet over. Juswunt Rao Bhow, the 
cousin (90) of the late Juggoo Bappoo, who 
had succeeded to the command of Sindiah's 
troops, employed himself during the rainy sea- 
son, in making preparations for renewing the 
siege the moment the season would permit. 
Vizier Mahomed, who, though his means and 
numbers were reduced to the lowest ebb, still 
preserved an unbroken spirit, employed him- 
self, during the rainy season, in sending grain 
and stores from Raiseen to Bhopal ; to enable 
him to sustain another attack (91). His dif- 
ficulties, however, appeared insurmountable; 
to recruit his troops was not an easy matter ; 
the Pindarries had all -joined the gamp of the 
Bhow, and that was now re-inforced by Jean 
Baptiste, a European (92) commander in the 
service of Sindiah, who brought a well equip- 
ped Cumpoo, or brigade, of eight battalions 
and above 40 guns. Fortunately for Bhopal, 
a serious dissension now occurred amongst its 
enemies. The refusal of Juswunt Rao Bhow 

hair on his head. He made a prophecy seven years ago, the result 
of which may be soon known. 

(90) Juswunt Rao Bhow, was the son of Jewda Dada, the first 
cousin of Juggoo Bappoo 

(91) The city of Bhopal could contain supplies of gram for 
any period 

(92) Though called a European, he was born in India. He 
is the half-brother of Colonel Filoze, celebrated for having betray- 
ed Nana Furnavese, the Peshwah's minister. (See Toone's Letter 
on the Mahrattahs.) 



86 

to make an advance of money to pay the 
troops of Baptiste, was the first ground of dis- 
content : this was daily aggravated, till a 
chance quarrel between a party of their fora- 
gers, caused each to draw out his troops, 
and a serious affray ensued. But the follow- 
ers of the Bhow, particularly the Infantry 
which had suffered extremely during the siege, 
were not able to stand against the fresh and 
better disciplined brigades of Baptiste ; they 
fled in every direction, leaving their camp to be 
plundered. This action took place at Sehore, 
(93) where Baptiste is said to have taken 103 
guns of different sizes. The Bhow and some of 
the leaders took refuge under the walls of Bho- 
pal, where they were permitted to shelter them- 
selves for one night ; but requested to depart 
early next day as it was apprehended that their 
remaining there might be a motive for another 
attack ; which, if aided by the renewal of a hos- 
tile combination, would probably, have effect- 
ed the destruction of this principality, in spite 
of the heroic efforts made in its defence 
That Baptiste did not prosecute the siege 
has been variously accounted for, but the real 
cause was, that the overture made by Vizier 
Mahomed, at this period, to the British agent 
in Bundelkund (94) had been so far favorably 

(93) Sehore is about 24 to 26 miles from Bhopal 

(94) The late Mr. Wauchope, Governor General's agent m 
Bundelkund. 



87 

entertained, that the Resident at the court of 
Gwalior (95) had called upon Sindiahto abstain 
from prosecuting hostilities against Bhopal. 
There was another object besides the protec- 
tion of Bhopal : that of repressing the Pin- 
darries, whose excesses now menaced the gene- 
ral peace of India. (96) The Resident at Nag- 
poor (9?) also, to whom Vizier Mahomed had 
sent an agent, evinced equal penetration in 
the delineation he so early gave of the actual 
condition and character of the principality of 
Bhopal, its local advantages, and friendly 
disposition. This is Sir John Malcolm's state- 
ment of the case. It had in 1809, been erro- 
neously supposed, but that rested on the de- 
claration of Sindiah chiefly, that the Nuwab of 
Bhopal had encouraged, in fact, gfven an asy- 
lum to the Pindarries. Vizier Mahomed satis- 
fied Colonel (afterwards Sir Barry) Close on 
this point. We have, also, seen that when 
Juswurit Rao Bhow came to make a second 
attack on Bhopal, that ee the Pindarries had 
all joined the camp of the Bhow/ 5 In 1814, 

(95) Mr. Strachey. This Sir John Malcolm confirms, and 
states that our interference alone prevented Baptiste's attack on 
Bhopal. The Bengal and Agra Gazetteer states " the Residents 
at Gwalior and Nagpoor, interposed their mediation m conse- 
quence ; and the hostile designs of those courts were abandoned '* 
Vol 2, part 2, p. 234. 

(96) They commenced their plundering opeiations in 1812 

(97) Mr. (now Sir Richard) Jenkins's Letter to Mr. Secretary 
Adam, dated 29th October, 1814. 



the Residents at the courts of Gwalior and 
Nagpoor, both pointed out the aid to be deriv- 
ed by a connexion with Bhopal. 

In relation to the proposed renewal of the 
attack on Bhopal, it is of value to adduce the 
statement of Captain J. G. Duff, (98) who, 
when Resident at the Court of Satara, had the 
means of knowing what was the nature of the 
proposed renewal of hostilities by the Mah- 
rattahs against Bhopal. He states that " Lord 
Hastings obtained information, that a negotia- 
tion for a treaty, offensive and defensive, was 
in progress betwixt Sindiah and Raghojee 
Bhonslah (the Nagpoor Rajah), and also be- 
tween Sindiah and the minister of Toolsee Bye 
Holkar (99). These negotiations were the pre- 
clude to the treaty of confederacy, of which the 
first article, expressed the determination of these 
princes, to serve and obey the Peshwah. (100) 
fc The Marquess," he further states, ec learnt that 
Sindiah, who had made great efforts against 
Bhopal the preceding year, was determined 
to renew the siege; that, in its exhausted 
state, even the heroism of Vizier Mahomed 
must prove unavailing ; and, finally, that this 
chief earnestly solicited to be taken under 



(98) History of the Mahrattahs, vol 3. p. 391. 

(99) Thus forming a tnple alliance 

(100) This may be considered the ground-work or prelude to 
the Mahrattah War of 1817-1818, in which the Peshwah made 
the first hostile attack at Poonah on the 5th November, 1817. 



89 

British protection. From these circumstances, 
Lord Hastings determined on adopting the 
proposed measure, and directed certain terms 
to be offered, which comprehended the free 
ingress, egress, and residence of British troops 
within the Nuwab's territory ; and the surren- 
der from Bhopal of a fort as a present dep&t. 
To support these negotiations, the troops in 
Bundelkund were re-inforced, the Hyderabad 
subsidiary force moved from Jaulna to Elich- 
poor, the Poonah subsidiary force from Seroor 
to Jaffierabad; a large reserve was formed in 
the Dekhun ; and the army of Guzerat occu- 
pied a position at Soneepoor, on the bank of 
the Myhie river. Vizier Mahomed appeared 
most ready to embrace the terms, and it was 
in consequence, intimated to Sin'diah, by the 
Resident in his camp, that the principality of 
Bhopal was under British protection. 

In a summary of the administration of the 
Indian Government from October, 1813, to 
January, 1823, of the Marquess of Hastings, 
(101) it is stated that " An agreement was made 
between Sindiah and the Rajah of Nagpoor, that 
the forces of both should act under Sindiah, 
for the reduction of Bhopal The very terms 
of the agreement betrayed the real object; for 
Bhopal, when conquered, was to be made over 
to the Nagpoor Rajah It was obvious that 
Sindiah only wanted an excuse for bringing 

(101) Published by his friends, London, 1824, page 1619. 
N 



90 

the Nagpoor troops into junction with those 
under his command, in which case he would 
have found himself at the head of a very 
powerful army. It was not a moment for 
hesitation. Had Sindiah's forces, which were 
assembled and ready to march, once entered 
Bhopal, shame would have made him risk any 
extremity,, rather than recede upon our inter- 
vention. The Nuwab of Bhopal had,solicited 
to be taken under British protection. I was 
(the Marquess says) at the time on Sindiah's 
frontiers, with only my escort." At this time 
our (Bengal) disposable troops were employed 
against Nepal. cc But the case called for de- 
cision ; and I directed the Resident at Sindiah's 
court to request that His Highness would for- 
bear any aggression upon Bhopal, as that state 
had become an ally to our Government. I 
desired that this communication should be 
made in the most conciliatory tone ; and that 
the Resident would not report to me the vio- 
lent language with which it would probably 
be met by Sindiah, so that there might be no 
affront to discuss : supposing Sindiah predeter- 
mined to go all lengths, any provocation from 
my message was of no moment * * * Sindiah, 
it was, unofficially, reported to me, received 
the intimation with all the vehemence of lan- 
guage which I had expected. But, notwith- 
standing his declaration, that he should fol- 
low his own course, his troops did not move, 



91 

and the project against Bhopal was silently 
abandoned * * * The Resident on a later day 
made a merit with Sindiah of having suppress- 
ed, in his report to me, the offensive tone which 
he had used ; and His Highness acknowledged 
the obligation." 

Mr. Prinsep states (102) that " At the time 
of rejecting our alliance, it was discovered, 
that the Bhoosia was actually engaged in ne- 
gotiating one of an offensive and defensive 
character with Sindheea, for the subjugation of 
the Bhopal principality by their joint arms 
* * * No sooner was Lord Hastings apprised of 
these intrigues, than he saw at once the imme- 
diate result. * * * He resolved no longer to 
hesitate in stepping forward to complete his 
defensive arrangements, by forming a con- 
nexion with Bhopal and Sapgur, in despite of 
any efforts by the regular independent powers 
to contract the design." 

fe The Bhopal family had preserved their 
political independence against the most active 
efforts of the Mahrattahs in the fulness of their 
military preponderance; although their posi- 
tion, immediately between the Bhoosia and 
Sindheea, made their territory the particular 
object of Mahrattah jealousy, and presented, as 
long as it should remain inviolate, an effectual 

(102J Narrative of the Political and Military Operations of 
Bntish India, under the administration of the Marquess of Hast- 
ings, 1813 to 1818. Quarto, 1820, pp. 36 to 46. 

N 2 



92 

bar to the consolidation of the influence of 
that nation/' As Prinsep well observes, " The 
importance of saving such a friend, when a hos- 
tile combination of the Mahrattahs was to be 
apprehended, must be obvious enough. (103) 
Already, in execution of the offensive and de- 
fensive engagements between Sindheea and the 
Bhoosla, was the best appointed force of the 
former, that commanded by Colonel Baptiste, 
on one part of the frontier; while Sudeek Ulee 
Khan, with the troops of Nagpoor, approached 
it on the opposite side ; and another division of 
Sindheea's troops, that under Juswunt Rao 
Bhao, was also in the neighbourhood. No 
time was to be lost Sindheea had before fre- 
quently attacked this state, and even besieged 
its capital, but without success (partly owing 
to the incapacity of the commanders he em- 
ployed, and the general ignorance of the mode 
of attacking fortified places; and partly owing 
to the gallantry and skill of Vizier Mahomed's 
defence). The MahaRaja, however, had never 
before entered BhopSl with so efficient an 
army, and Baptiste's knowledge of European 
tactics and long and successful practice in 
the various sieges he had hitherto conduct- 
ed, seemed to leave but little hope that Vizier 

(103) The Nuwab of Bhopal had assisted in 1778 our army 
under General Goddard, when there was a combination of Mah- 
rattahs against us so that it was only a proper return for an old 
act of friendship. 



93 

Mahomed would be able to save himself, and 
his dominions, on this occasion. His perpetual 
hostility to the Mahrattahs had naturally 
made him look to us in the hour of extremity ; 
and that hour was fast approaching. He was 
accordingly induced to make a very earn- 
est solicitation for our support, and for that 
purpose despatched an agent to Dehlee, who 
waited on Mr. (now Sir Charles) Metcalfe, (104) 
the British Resident there ; and submitted, on 
behalf of his master, a specific proposition to 
be admitted within the pale of our protection." 
The Governor General instructed Mr. Met- 
calfe " to entertain the proposition, and, in case 
the agent should be furnished with powers 
sufficiently ample and explicit, to cqnclude with 
him an engagement on the following basis: 
* The British Government to afford its protec- 
tion against the present designs of Sindheea 
and the Bhoosla, and a perpetual guarantee 
for the future; and the Nuwab to be left in 
complete independence in the management of 
his internal administration; the British troops 
to have free ingress and egress through the 
Bhopal territories, together with every facility 
in the provision of their supplies and necessa- 
ries ; a fortress to be delivered as a present 



(104) Afterwards Secretary to the Government of India, Mem- 
ber of Council, Lieut.-Governor of Agra, acting Governor General 
xvhen Lord William Bentinck left India in 1835. Subsequently 
Governor of Jamaica, and now Governor General of Canada 



94 

dep6t, and, enventually, a spot to be allotted 
for a cantonment, or permanent station ; the 
Nuwab to renounce all connexion with the Pin- 
darees, (105) and not to negotiate with other 
powers, except in concert with the British Go- 
vernment ; abiding by its arbitration in all dif- 
ferences with them. However, it was thought 
proper to hold out the prospect of some advan- 
tage by way of inducement to enter into an 
alliance of this nature the recovery of all the 
territories of the state, then in hands of the 
Pindarees, was to be proposed ; and the Gover- 
nor General prepared himself to abandon the 
claim of a money consideration for the ex- 
pense of defending the territory ; though the 
demand of a proportion of the charge, if con- 
tested, was not to be hastily relinquished/ As 
the agent at Delhee had not full powers from 
the Nuwab of Bhopal, the negotiation was re- 
moved to Bundelkhund, which, from its vicini- 
ty, seemed to be the most convenient spot for 
conducting it/' Colonel Dovet on, the command- 
ant of the Nizam's subsidiary force, began his 
march from Jalna on the 3rd of November, 
1814; and it was intended that, with this army, 
he should penetrate into Bhopal, to execute 
the protective stipulations of the treaty with 
the Nuwab Vizier/* 

(105) The Pindarnes had themselves gone over to the Bhow 
when he came with Smdiah's army, a second time, to besiege 
Bhopal : so that the renunciation on Vizier Mahomed's part was 
accomplished by their desertion of him I 



95 

* c The negotiations having 1 been thus open- 
ed, Mr. Wauchope addressed a letter to the 
Nuwab of Bhopal, explaining at length, the 
terms on which the Governor General was 
disposed to receive that state under protection, 
in compliance with the solicitations of the 
agent of his court, preferred at Delhee. He 
hinted, also, at the Nuwab's bearing some 
part of the expense. An immediate answer 
was received from Vizier Mahomed, agreeing 
to all the stipulations proposed, with excep- 
tion of the delivery of a fort for a present 
depot, and of bearing a part of the expense ; 
(106) for the discussion of these two points, 
he declared his intention of deputing an 
envoy, as soon as the return of the person he 
had sent to Dehlee, who was daily expected. 
The Resident at Sindheea's court, (107) con- 
ceiving the Nuwab of Bhopal's unqualified 
consent to all the fundamental articles of the 
Governor General's proposition, to amount to 
a preliminary adjustment of the terms of alli- 
ance, proceeded forthwith to make the official 
communication to Sindheea, of the intentions 
of the British Government in respect to Bho- 
pal, on advice of the substance of the Nuwab's 
reply to Mr. Wauchope. Sindheea, on re- 
ceiving the communication, inveighed in the 

(106) There were treasure and jewels in Nuzzurgurh, which 
caused the objection ; and it is stated that Vizier Mahomed offeied 
to pay 30 lakhs of rupees as his share of the expenses. 

(107) Mr Richard Strachey. 



96 

strongest terms against our interference with 
the affairs of Bhopal ; declaring the principa- 
lity to be one of his dependencies in Malwa, 
with which we were solemnly pledged by 
treaty to have no concern. The Resident 
denied that it fell within the terms of the 
treaty, asserting it to be a free and indepen- 
dent state. Gopal Rao Bhao, who took a 
prominent part in the discussion, declared the 
several places which had been wrested from 
Vizier Mahomed by Sindheea, at different 
times, to be cessions in lieu of tribute justly 
due, (108) the account of which was still un- 
settled; and represented our interference to 
prevent the enforcement of these, his just dues, 
as tantamount to a positive declaration of 
war! In point of fact, according to the Mah- 
rattah notions of political justice, Sindheea 
had a good title to whatever he could extort 
from Bhopal ; and, having been in the habit 
of making usurpations, and levying contribu- 
tions on this territory, as his peculiar and 
exclusive prey ; he, conceived no one else had 
any right to interpose. It was notorious, 
however, that Vizier Mahomed had long main- 
tained a most glorious struggle for his inde- 
pendence ; and neither "had himself, nor had 
any of the family before him, ever by treaty, 
or other act of any kind, acknowledged the 
supremacy of any Mahrattah state." 

(108) See the year 1806. 



97 

" The discussion on this point grew parti- 
cularly warm, Sindheea taking an active per- 
sonal part in them, and using language which 
might have been construed into menace, and 
when, at the close of the interview, Mr. Strachey 
requested that Colonel Baptiste might be 
ordered to refrain from active hostility against 
Bhopal, until the Governor General's instruc- 
tions upon the resident's report of the con- 
ference should arrive ; the request was distinct- 
ly refused. This conference took place on the 
SOth November, 1814, and the tone then as- 
sumed by the Durbar was no wise lowered at 
an interview obtained by Mr. Strachey's moon- 
shee three days after. A similar communica- 
tion was made to the other Mahrajtah courts. 
The Nagpoor Raja required time to consider 
of his answer ; but, on being pressed by Mr. 
Jen/cms, privately, assured that gentleman, that 
Sudeek Ulee Khan should be forbidden to join 
the army of Baptiste, or to act hostilely 
against Bhopal. It was further ascertained, 
that this court would not oppose the ad- 
vance of the subsidiary force at Ellichpoor, 
through the portion of its territories which lay 
on the route from that station to Bhopal, in 
case events should require its movement in that 
situation A private correspondence, however, 
was kept up the whole time, between the 
Bhoosla and Sindheea; and intrigues, which 

o 



98 

had before been commenced in other quarters, 
were carried on with renewed activity. The 
Peshwah, on being informed of the intentions 
of the British Government, in respect to Bho- 
pal, professed to be highly satisfied, because 
of the security that would result to the Jageers 
of several of his dependants in the neighbour- 
hood Among others, the Vinshore Kur, in 
whose concerns he took particular interest, had 
large possessions about Ashta and Shujawul- 
poor, which the Pindarees and Sindheea's com- 
manders were continually plundering, and of 
the greatest part of which they had already 
divested him. Notwithstanding the exterior 
appearance of amity assumed at Nagpoor and 
Poona, which, in the case of the former, was 
carried so far as to produce an offer by Ragoo- 
jee of a body of his troops to be taken into 
British pay, and the pressure of this offer with 
some importunity ; there was still little reason 
to doubt that both these courts, were heartily 
bent upon the combination, which accounts 
from every quarter during the months of No- 
vember, and December, 1 814, and January, 1815, 
reported to be organized against the British 
power. At the same time that he, (the Gover- 
nor General) proffered protection to Bhopal 
and S&gur, and made these arrangements in 
support of that measure, he put four divisions 
in condition to take the field against the Ni- 
palese," 



99 

1815. Captain Instates, that (109) Sin- 
diah protested most vehemently against the 
measure ; declared the Nabob to be his depen- 
dant, and in defiance of the assembled armies, 
threatened an immediate attack upon him. His 
battalions advanced, and although under a 
certain assurance., that an attack on Bhopal 
would occasion an immediate rupture with the 
English, Sindiah, for a time., seemed quite de- 
termined to risk the event ; but his actions fell 
short of his words ; and ultimately, his army 
was withdrawn. (110) His conduct was to be 
accounted for in the unfavourable commence- 
ment, (111) and brilliant termination of the 
Nepaul war ; but the first impression through- 
out India, respecting that warfare, inspired 
hopes in all, who wished the overthrow of the 
British power. Of that number, the Peishwa, 
* * * may be considered the chief; it was, how- 
ever, at one time supposed, that the plan of 
the general confederacy already mentioned, did 
not originate with the Mahrattahs, but was sug- 
gested through Sindiah by theNepaulese." (112) 
Sir John Malcolm says (113) that Vizier Ma- 

(109) Vol 3, p. 392. 

(110) This differs from Lord Hastmgs's account 

(111) The failure m the first operations against Kalunga, 31st 
October, 1814. 

(112) Of this there is no doubt, the object being to employ 
our troops, and prevent a larger force being employed against 
Nipal' 

(113) Page 412. 

o 2 



100 

homed Khan when relieved from the pressure 
of misfortune, did not pursue his object of ob- 
taining the protection of the English, with the 
same ardour he at first exhibited, and the ne- 
gotiations that ensued were never matured 
into any engagement during his life ; yet the 
knowledge of his being in constant communi- 
cation with the public officers of the British 
Government was no slight shield, as it deterred 
his most powerful enemies from attacking him. 
(114) Captain Duff states, that (115) "As long 
as he was threatened by Sindiah, he not only 
appeared to accede to the terms, but gave out 
that he was under the protection of the Bri- 
tish ; but when the danger subsided, he object- 
ed to the surrender of a fort, and the negotia- 
tion terminated. ** The failure of this arrange- 
ment, prevented the prosecution of any plan 
of settlement with Govind Rao, Nana at this 
period/' (116) It does not appear why Vizier 

(114) This is an error It required more than any such sup- 
posed promise of protection : for even the Marquess's declaration, 
but just prevented Bhopal being attacked : the obstacle to the 
conclusion of any fixed engagement, is explained by note 106 ' 

(115) Vol. 3, p. 393. 

(116) Govmd Rao, the Nana of Jaloun did afterwards ; Pnnsep, 
p. 229- But Vizier Mahomed was perfectly sincere in his desire 
to place himself under our protection, ever since he first solicited 
it in 1805 ; and in 1809, when Colonel Close crossed the Neibuddah, 
and the Nagpoor force was in his country, he again pressed it. 
Malcolm, says, p. 395, (1809,) speaking of the rejection of " all his 
propositions which he then made, and often repeated during the 
seven years of his arduous and unsupported struggles, to maintain 



101 

Mahomed's engagement not being carried into 
execution, affected Govind Rao, Nana of Ja- 
loun, in Bundelkund. The difference of opi- 
nion between Vizier Mahomed and the British 
Government, was as to giving up the fort 
(Nuzzur-gurh), which was misunderstood. 

1816. Vizier Mahomed was now secure 
from the attacks of his enemies, but Sir John 
Malcolm says, " He was, nevertheless, con- 
tinually engaged in that predatory warfare, 
amid which he had lived, and of which the 
territories of the state that he governed, had 
long been the focus. One of the last actions 
of his life, was an effort to reconcile, by inter- 
marriages, his family with that of Ghous Ma- 
homed. The daughter of Ghous Mahomed 

(117) was married to Nuzzur Mahomed Khan, 
the second and favorite son of Vizier Mahom- 
ed ; while the latter chief gave the eldest son 
of the Nuwab (Ghous Mahomed) his niece; the 
daughter of Kurreem Mahomed, the present 

(118) minister of Bhopal/' 

1816. Malcolm says, that ee Vizier Mahomed 
died in February, 1816, (119) aged 51 years, 
after having governed Bhopal little more than 

the existence of the state of which he was the head;" confirms his 
anxiety for protection. 

(117) The present Begum mother. 

(118) In 1832. His great-grandfather was the elder brother 
of Dost Mahomed Khan, the founder of Bhopal. 

(119) Captain Duff says, "hediedon the 17th crfMarch, 1816, 
and Rughoojee Bhonslay on the 22nd of March, 1816. 



102 

nine years : but of this short period he had 
not passed one day in repose. This principa- 
lity, from the hour he assumed the government 
until the hour of his death, was threatened 
with destruction. Such a man could alone 
have saved it. Though as remarkable for 
prowess and valor as the most distinguished 
of the Affghan race, he was, in his manners, 
mild, and pleasing ; but his look and stature 
were alike commanding, and there was in his 
disposition a sternness and determination of 
purpose ' that inspired awe.' " He is said by 
Major Henley (120) to have died of an inflam- 
matory fever, after a short illness of four days. 
All acquainted, as Sir J. Malcolm observes, 
" with the vicissitudes of his life, deeply re- 
gretted his death at the moment it occurred. 
He should have lived to behold his patriotic 
efforts rewarded ; to see the people of the land 
he loved rescued from destruction, and raised 
to happiness and prosperity by the Govern- 
ment which he had through life courted, and 
on which his hopes till the last hour of his life 
rested. (121) This destiny was reserved for 
a son whom he selected and educated as his 
successor, and who proved himself every way 
worthy of his father/' Only a year before his 
death, Vizier Mahomed found himself deserted 

(120) Who was the Political Agent at Bhopal about two years 
afterwards. 

(121) By the British Government under Lord Hastings. 



103 

even by the Pindarries, whom he, in his extre- 
mity, had called on for assistance ; this was the 
period when Juswunt Rao Bhow and Baptiste, 
Siudiah's generals, were about to besiege Bho- 
pal a second time ; which danger, had it not 
been averted, the fall of that principality was 
certain. Sindiah, the Nagpoor Rajah,, the 
Peshwah, Holkar, Ameer Khan, and the Pin- 
darries, were all leagued against him. Any 
unfavorable termination of the war in Nipalin 
1815, would have caused his destruction ; for 
the confederacy would have joined to a man; 
and Vizier Mahomed, in an endeavour to save 
the state, must have placed himself under the 
protection of Sindiah ; so that he would not 
have lived to have witnessed the^glorious re- 
sult of his great efforts, in his country's cause. 
Such indeed would have been a result to be 
deplored ; as the destruction of the Bhopal 
principality, would have proved fatal to Cen- 
tral India : and the British Government must, 
with regret, have witnessed the fall of its best 
friend. But, the destiny of Bhopal was in the 
ascendant. 

1816. Nuzzur Mahomed Khan, who has 
been so conspicuously mentioned, as the leader 
of the advance of the small party which attack- 
ed, and drove out the enemy from the old fort 
in the year 1814, which, while it established 
his fame and reputation as a soldier ; was the 
crowning deed of gallantry, by which Bhopal 



101 

was relieved from its enemies. This Nuzzur 
Mahomed Khan succeeded his noble father, as 
Nuwab, when about 25 years of age. (122) 
Vizier Mahomed had early determined upon 
his successor, whose education was an object 
of his earnest solicitude ; and, in addition to 
all his other acquirements, Nuzzur Mahomed 
had learnt so well the duties of a soldier, that 
on his father's death, he stood the first in 
fame among the chiefs of the country. The 
respect for the memory of his father, combined 
with his own high qualities, made all the 
nobles press the government of Bhopal upon 
his acceptance." (123) Prinsep says, (124) 
" Vizier Mahomed was succeeded by his son 
Nuzzur Mahomed, a very young man, too 

(122) Captain Duff, vol. 3 p. 393, says, Wuzeer Mahomed 
was succeeded, as Nabab of Bhopal by his son Wuzeer Mahomed 
and Rughoojee Bhonslay (Nagpoor) by his only son Pursajee." 
But Malcolm is known to be correct. The eldest son of Vizier 
Mahomed was Ameer Mahomed Khan, but not a full brother of 
Nuzzur Mahomed : he had, however, a son named Wuzeer Mahomed, 
Owing to the idiotism of Pursajie, his cousin, Moodajee (usually 
styled Appa Sahib, whose conduct and escape while a prisoner 
under the escort of Captain Brown, m 1818, is so well known) 
was chosen Regent. " Pursajee Bhoosla," Prinsep says, " before 
his accession was known by the name of Bala Saheb" 

(123) Malcolm says, " Ghous Mahomed, who, though he lived 
a retired life, was still called Nuwab, made no objection to the 
elevation of Nuzzur Mahomed Khan , and his elder brother, Ameer 
Mahomed Khan, who also lived m retirement, was among the firbt 
to avow, publicly, his own disqualification, and to urge his young- 
er brother to take upon himself the administration of the affairs 
of the state. To this Nuzzur Mahomed consented." 

(124) Page 112. 



105 

young it was to be feared, for the perilous 
circumstances of the principality, superadded 
to the troubles of a new succession. There 
was every reason, therefore, to apprehend, 
that either the Mahrattahs or the Pindaree 
chieftains in the neighbourhood, would attempt 
to avail themselves of the occasion, and to 
interfere in the concerns of Bhopai, in either 
of which cases, a second and more sincere 
application of our permanent protection of its 
legitimate prince, was to be expected as a 
natural consequence. The question, whether 
or no the Supreme Government should now 
direct its efforts to the accomplishment of 
these two objects (125), was thus forced upon 
the consideration of the Governor General in 
Council, in the month of April, 1S16." * * * 
It was now recommended, not only as a mea- 
sure ancillary to the Nagpoor alliance, but also 
as a means of gaining a vantage ground for 
striking a blow at the predatory associations, 
which the Supreme Government was still left 
free to inflict, should any opportunity offer of 
catching their bands beyond their proper 
boundaries. The objections urged against 
forming such a connexion, had their foundation, 
apparently, in the apprehension of the risk of 
giving umbrage to the Mahrattah powers, 
which the steps taken in 1814 and 1815 had 

(125) With regaid to Nagpoor and Bhopai to establish a sub- 
sidiary foice at the former 



106 

proved to be an object of exaggerated alarm. 
(126) 

1817 Prinsep says, (127) " In the beginning 
of January, 1817, an agent of the Nuwab, named 
Inayet Museeh, went over to Nagpoor, and 
there delivered a specific proposition, in writ- 
ing, to Mr. Jenkins, the Resident, soliciting on 
the part of Nuzzur Mahomed, that the state 
might be admitted to British protection, on 
the terms offered to Vizier Mahomed. This 
was followed up by a letter to the same effect, 
from the Nuwab himself to Mr. Wauchope, the 
Political Agent in Bundelkund. Sir J. Malcolm 
says that " the first step of the Campaign of 
1817 (against the Pindarees (128), was an 

(126) Malcoim says, p 415, "Nuzzer Mahomed's first efforts 
were directed to the favoiite object of his father's life, a treaty of 
Peace" (Alliance) "with the English Government. The policy of 
this measure had long been under discussion, and a fear of the 
embarrassment it might produce, had led the Indian Govern- 
ment in England, to desire that no such treaty should be con- 
cluded; but the outiages committed by the Pindarees forced 
the Governor General to a course of measures which made obe- 
dience to such restrictive orders impossible a> The Government 
in England was not fully acquainted with the state of affairs in 
Central India, and appear to have supposed that the Pmdarnes 
might be easily put down without any ulterior measures. They 
were unaware of the fact, that the Pmdames were auxiliaries to 
Sindiah, the Berar Rajah, Holkar, and Ameer Khan, &c , that these 
powers would, willingly, allow them to go forth and plunder our 
provinces (as they had done Ganjam m 1812), unsettle the coun- 
try, and then, declare they had no control over these plunderers 1 

(127) Page 125. 

(128) Commenced in October, 1817. But Lord Hastings had 
ample proof in 1816, that he was not alone to prepare to act 



107 

engagement with the state of Bhopal, conclud- 
ed at Hussingabad (129), which guaranteed 
that territory to its actual ruler, and stipulated 
for his aiding the British army with a contin- 
gentj and co-operating to the utmost of his 
means in the ensuing War/ 3 The Nuwab 
was to " furnish a contingent of 600 horse 
and 400 infantry for the service of the British 
Government when required, and when neces- 
sary the whole disposable forces were to join 
the British army." (130) No obligations were 
ever more faithfully fulfilled. Nuzzur Maho- 
med received, as the reward of his zeal and 
efforts, the fine province named Punj-Mahal, 

against the Pindarnes, but to contend against the high native 
Powers. Pnnsep says, p. 225, note (*) ; " A fuU size impression 
of Smdheea's seal happened to drop from the tuiban of one of his 
emissaries, while in the act of crossing the Ganges at Bithoor. 
On searching these letters, written with the design of stirring up 
the GoorJchas to make common cause with the rest of the indepen- 
dent powers of India, were found neatly pasted between the leaves 
of a Sanscnt book of the Vedas, which one of them, travelling as 
a student, was carrying with him Several sealed and some open 
letters from the chief himself were found upon them, the former 
were sent by his lordship to be presented to his highness in full 
Durbar, unopened and without comment ; in order that he might 
not suppose us to be ignorant of the intrigues and machinations 
a foot/' Sindiah was given to understand that the Marquess 
was acquainted with the contents of the letter to the Rajah of 
Nipal. 

(129) He states that it was negotiated by himself in concert 
with Lieut.-Colonel (the late Major General Sir John, G. C. B) 
Adams, C B. commanding the force there. The Bengal and Agra 
Gazetteer says the treaty was concluded on the 26th February, 
1818. It was the 26th of January, 1818. 

(130) Gazetteer. 

p 2 



108 

or the five districts;(131) which were taken from 
a Jahgeerdar (the Vinshore chief) of the Pesh- 
wah, and which not only joined the territories 
of Bhopal, but had formerly been an integral 
portion of that principality (131). The restora- 
tion of the fort of Islarnnuggurj subsequently 
obtained from Sindiah, though of little value, 
was esteemed beyond all other favors by the 
ruling family of Bhopal. It contained the 
tomb of the Nuwab Yar Mahomed, the son 
and immediate successor of Dost Mahomed 
Khan, the founder of the principality ; who 
made it his capital 100 years before the period 
now referred to ; its position, almost at the gates 
of the capital, had made its separation from 
the state a source of the greatest annoyance. 

1818 The Marquess of Hastings, (132) than 
whom no Governor General knew better how to 
appreciate the value of the services of the true 
allies of the British Government,, has thus 
recorded his sentiments. " It was highly gra- 
tifying to me, that in this mode (133) I was 
enabled to bestow on the Nuwab of Bhopal, 
a splendid reward for the liberality with which 
he sold all his jewels to maintain troops in aid 
of our exertions. The fortress and territory 
of Islamnuggur had been the original posses- 

(131) Is said to contain 867 villages Malcolm says, the dis- 
tricts were, Raiseen, Ashta, Sehore, Duraha, and Itchamur. 

(132) Summary of Ins administration p 54 A D. 1824 

(133) Territonal arrangements after the Mahrattah War of 
1817-18. 



109 

sion of his family. In the life time of his 
father, Sindiah's predecessor had obtained it, 
through the treachery of the officer to whom 
it was entrusted ; (134) and the strength of the 
fortress rendered hopeless any endeavour to 
regain it by siege. This possession, widely 
separated from the territories of Gwalior, we 
acquired from Sindiah, by giving him, in ex- 
change, districts greatly superior in value, as 
well as adjoining his own dominions ; and then 
we conferred it on the Nuwab of Bhopal, as a 
free gift to recompense his gallant manifesta- 
tion of gratitude for the protection his coun- 
try had received in the crisis of the Nepaul 
War. The Honourable Company will, no 
doubt, approve the policy of such an exhibited 
proof, that attachment to their Government 
was an advantageous course. (135) It must, 

(134) The Marquess is in error, he must mean HoshungabacL 
Islamnuggur was suirendered to Smdiah m 1806, 

(135) The Maiquess had previously lecorded his opinion of 
the conduct of the Nuwab of Bhopal " in order to bring the subject" 
(of the treaty) " to the special notice of the authorities m England." 
" Nuzurgurh," Prinsep says, (p. 219,) " was named as the fort to 
be required of him for a Dep6t Colonel Adams was to advance 
through the Bhopal territories. Sir T. Hislop and Sir J. Malcolm 
were to settle the details of the treaty , they were soon expected to 
arrive on the Nerbudda The Marquess declared to the Council 
of Fort William, his reasons for deviating from the more limited 
views that seemed to be entertained m England, and expressed 
a confident hope, that the enlarged plan he had laid down, for the 
secure and permanent attainment of his object, would meet with 
the assent of the most considerable princes of Central India. 
It was his boast," he said, " to have an earnest desire to accom- 



110 

here, be remarked, that Nuzzur Mahomed sold 
jewels to aid the cause of peace, to the value 
of fifty-one (51) or more lakhs of Rupees; 
upon the sale of which he lost twelve (12) 
lakhs of Rupees ! we may search the history 
of British India, in vain, to find any similar 
liberality on the part of any other native 
state. From the conduct of the reigning 
Nuwab towards General Goddard in 1778, this 
subsequent exhibition of generosity towards 
the British Government, C( towards which" the 
agent had declared in 1809, "no extreme of 
distress could ever make them place them- 
selves in the relation of enemies/' was nobly 
supporting the character of the state, which it 
has ever since maintained. 

Prinsep says, (136) "next to Holkar, the 
most considerable military chief, under the 

phsh everything by pacific means, and to be able to declare, with 
sincerity, that the exclusive object of his present preparations was 
to get nd of the greatest pest that society ever experienced (the 
Pindarries). He did not hesitate to take upon himself the indivi- 
dual responsibility of acting without the full sanction of the Home 
Authorities , for he felt confident the result would justify his deter- 
mination in the eyes of those authorities, and of the British nation 
at large." Prinsep says, p. 427 " The Nuwab signed a preliminary 
engagement in November, 1817, before the British troops crossed 
the Nerbudda" Pnnsep, p. 125, note (*). It is stated m the 
Bengal and Agra Gazetteer, 1842, vol. 2, part 2, p 367, that his 
Lordship obtained for Nuwab Asud Ulee Khan, the maternal 
uncle of the Nuwab of Bhopal, whose minister he was in 1842* 
the Jagheir of Basoda, which had been siezed by Smdiah, who 
restored it at the request of the Marquess. He pays no tribute to 
Smdiah, and wishes to be regarded as a dependant of the British 
Government. (136) Page 427- 



Ill 

late settlement, is the Nuwab of Bhopal." *** 
As a reward for the cordiality displayed by 
the Nuwab, the Punj-Muhal, along with some 
other lands, a part of the Vinshore Kur's forti- 
fied Jahgeer, were annexed to Bhopal, whose 
boundary was by this addition advanced west- 
ward as far as the Kalee Sindh. A part of 
Shujawulpoor was subsequently added, and 
Islamnuggur was obtained from Sindhiah by 
treaty. The principality was thus placed on 
a most respectable footing. The definitive 
engagement which permanently fixed the rela- 
tions of the Nuwab, was concluded at Bhopal 
on the 26th of January, 1818, and ratified by 
the Governor General on the 8th of March 
following. The contingent he stipulates to 
furnish is limited to 600 horse and 400 foot ; a 
low proportion in reference to the resources of 
the state ; but so fixed, expressly to favor the 
Nuwab. As a more substantial mark of con- 
sideration, the obligation of paying tribute, in 
return for the protection we have engaged to 
afford, is waved in this instance; notwith- 
standing that the eventual payment of 125,000 
Rupees on this account, was an item of the 
preliminary agreement, concluded with Lieut.- 
Colonel Adams and Sir J. Malcolm in Novem- 
ber, 1817. Besides, the entire occupation of 
the Sagur territory, has rendered it expedient 
to station the military force, required to awe 
this neighbourhood, within the frontiers of 



112 

that province ; by which arrangement Nuzzur 
Mahomed is relieved from the obligation of 
furnishing a cantonment,, and surrendering a 
fort to be converted into a depot for a station- 
ary British force within his territory, which 
had also been a part of his original contract. 

In closing the war as regards the Pindarries, 
Prinsep says, (137) " such was the extremity 
of their distress, that Colonel Adams, judging 
them to be now ripe for unqualified submis- 
sion, caused an intimation to be conveyed to 
them through the Nuwab of Bhopal, that, if 
they were willing to throw themselves entirely 
on the rnercy of the British Government, sur- 
rendering their arms and horses, the Sirdars 
might expect a livelihood in some part of our 
provinces remote from their old haunts, and 
the lives of their followers would be spared, 
NamdarKhan (138) was the first to avail him- 
self of this information. He delivered himself 
up to Colonel Adams on the 3rd of February 
at Deorajpoor in the Bhopal territory, with all 
his yet remaining followers, which were no 
more than 87. He required no other terms 
than a bare assurance that he should not be 
sent to Europe, or to Calcutta. * * * The rest, 
for the most part, followed the example of 
Namdar Khan. * * * Thus were the two Dur- 

(137) Page 307. 

(138) Namdar Khan, it will be recollected, assisted, in 1813, to 
defend Bhopal. 



113 

ralis of Kurreem Khan (139) and Wasil Ma- 
homed, annihilated. Some were located at 
Gorukpoor, Ghazeepoor, &c. &c. With regard 
to Cheetoo, he had wandered about Malwa a 
short time with about 200 followers ; and see- 
ing his affairs to be nearly desperate, endea- 
voured, through the Nuwab of Bhopal, to 
make terms for himself, in conjunction with 
his remaining adherents. For this purpose, he 
suddenly entered the Nuwab's camp ; but 
when he learned that Nuzzur Mahomed had 
nothing to offer, beyond a slender personal 
maintenance in some distant part of Hindostan, 
while he demanded a Jahgeer in Malwa, and 
the entertainment of himself and his men in 
the British service ; he decamped as suddenly 
as he had come ; while he staid, his horses were 
constantly saddled, and the men slept with 
the bridles in their hands, ready to fly, instant- 
ly, in case of an attempt to seize them. Pre- 
parations were making for the purpose the very 
night he went , off ; but he was too much on 
his guard, and too much alive to suspicion, to 
allow them to be completed. He was instantly 
pursued by the Nuwab's people, and General 
Malcolm also sent out parties, to take him, 
which distressed him so much, that Rajun left 
him, and made his submission. Mahomed 
Punah, his son, was likewise made prisoner. 
Cheetoo found his way to Kandesh and the 

(139) Nephew of Namdor Khdn 
Q 



114 

Dukhun* and joined the Arabs and chiefs of the 
Peshwah's routed army, occasionally protected 
by the Killadar of Aseergurh. The fate of 
Cheetoo is well known, he was found dead in 
the Mahadeo hills, having been killed by a 
Tiger. Thus, the obstinacy of this Pindarah 
sealed his fate. The object of locating these 
people in our own provinces was to induce 
them to return to the habits of civil life. The 
Bheels, a far more wild tribe, who inhabited 
the hills in Malwa, &c., were offered by Captain 
(late Lieutenant Colonel) Tod, the Political 
Agent at Oodeepoor, at the court of the Rana, 
(the most ancient of the Rhatore Rajpoots) (140) 
three rupees a month each,if they would culti- 
vate their lands, but he found great difficulty, 
at first, in inducing these wild people to become 
civilized human beings ; but at length succeed- 
ed. (141) Thus, it will be perceived, that Nuz- 
zur Mahomed Khan was the means, in a great 
degree, of causing the Pindarries to come into 
terms ; that they came in through his means, 

(140) This Rana, the head of the Rhatore Rajpoots, is the only 
Prince who never yielded to the demand of the Emperor of Delhi, 
for a daughter m marriage, or to occupy a place m the Haram. 

(141) The Sheets said their fathers and ancestors had never 
tilled the ground, and why should they They were offeied three 
rupees a month if they would cultivate then lands In a few yeais 
they were reclaimed. Sir J Malcolm, m 1819, formed a Bheel corps 
at Mundleysir, and by making the principal chief responsible for 
his tnbe, keep down the plunderers, Those who travelled among 
their hills, had only to give a present to a chief, who, on giving an 
arrow to the traveller, insured protection on its production, which 
force would not have affected. 



115 

since he was the medium of communication : 
and while he had cause to be displeased with 
their desertion of his cause in 1814: he, for 
the general good, forgot their misconduct in 
his desire to aid the British Government 

1818. Never were prospects more flatter- 
ing than those of Nuzzur Mahomed Khan, 
(142) when an unhappy accident terminated 
his life, and left his family and country to 
mourn the untimely and irreparable loss of a 
prince, who seemed born for the times in which 
he lived, and who promised to be as active 
and successful in restoring his country to pros- 
perity, as his father had been in saving it 
from destruction. His death was occasioned 
by the discharge of a pistol he carried about 
his person, which he laid down when playing 
in his inner apartment with his infant daugh- 
ter : (143) and it is supposed to have been fired 
by his brother-in-law Foujdar Khan, (144) a 

(142) Malcolm, p. 417. He says, p. 416. "The condition of 
the Bhopal principality at Vizier Mahomed^ death was bo low, 
that its actual revenue could not have amounted to one laKJi of 
rupees. It was now rising into importance Its rescued territo- 
ries included almost all the provinces its princes formerly 
possessed; and its revenues were improving." Sir John must 
mean the town of Bhopal, and not the principality The princi- 
pality had still Hoshungabad, Jubbulpoor, Nursmgpoor, Hmdia, 
or Baitool 

(143) The present reigning Begum of Bhopal called by the 
family " Secunder Begurn." 

(144) Son of Ghous Mahomed, consequently uncle to the pre- 
sent Begum, and brother of the Begum mother. 

Q 2 



116 

child of eight years of age, who was the only 
one present on this melancholy occasion. The 
sensation caused by his death was great, and 
men gave way to the worst suspicions : but all 
doubt was soon dispelled, and every suspicion 
vanished of Nuzzur Mahomed Khan's death 
being premeditated. It was purely accidental. 
The child always appeared very fond of the 
Nuwab. Nuzzur Mahomed was much attach- 
ed to the Begum, who was then only 17 years 
of age, and whom he treated with unusual 
consideration. He not only resisted all the 
entreaties that were used to induce him to 
contract a second marriage, (145) but strictly 
prohibited the introduction of any young fe- 
males, either as slaves, servants or otherwise, 
within the Mahal, or palace. The grief of the 
Begum since the accident was so great, as to 
produce her miscarriage. There was but one 
sentiment, that of the deepest regret, and no 
person sought to take advantage of the accident 
to promote his own interests. At a consulta- 
tion of the principal chiefs, it was resolved to 
continue to attend to the widow and ministers 
of the deceased prince,, till the pleasure of the 

(145) That is to marry a second wife Mahomedans are allowed, 
by the Koran, to have four wives ; but it is considered an honorable 
exception to the rule, to have only one wife It was a proof of 
affection in the Nuwab to have only one wife , no doubt, some evil 
disposed persons wished to introduce some other wife, to divide 
the Nuwab's affection j and this from political reasons most pro- 
bably. 



117 

British Government was known as to his 
successor ; (146) and it is remarkable, that not 
the slightest effort was made by any party to 
influence the judgment of the British agent ; 
a sufficient proof, of itself, of the absence of 
all design or guilt on this unhappy occasion. 
Nuzzur Mahomed Khan, when he died, was 
only 28 years of age ; he had governed Bhopal, 
Malcolm says, three years and five months; ( 147) 
"but he has left a name that has been attained 
by few during the longest life. Schooled in 
adversity, he early attained a remarkable ma- 
turity of judgment. His appearance was no- 
ble, and his manners those of a prince who 
Jtnew the value of possessing the hearts of 
his subjects His rnind was so superior, and 
his courage so elevated him above suspicion, 
that the whole family of the rulers of Bhopal 
-whom he had supplanted, as well as his elder 
"brother who had resigned his birthright to 
him, lived not only without restriction, but on 
the most intimate footing of familiarity with 
him, coming and going through every apart- 
ment of his palace at their pleasure. Nuzzur 
Mahomed held in just detestation the vices 
and indulgences to which some Mahomedans 

(146) Even when there is no doubt as to the succession, it is 
customary to await the orders of Government regarding the suc- 
cession. 

(147) He succeeded his father m February, 1816, and died ir 
lie rainy season (about July) of 1818, so that the period was onl> 
5 vears and 5 months 



118 

are addicted. His Haram contained but one 
princess, and no slaves. He was a good 
Mahomedan, but so far removed from begotry, 
that his favorite companion and minister, was 
a Christian, by name Shahzad Musseah (148) 
or Belthazar Bourboun, with whom Sir John 
Malcolm was well acquainted. This person 
was an able man and a brave soldier, the 
descendant of a Frenchman, called Bourboun, 
who came to India in the time of the Emperor 
Akbar, in whose service he was. (149) 

Nuzzur Mahomed's whole soul was absorb- 
ed, during the two last years of his life, in 
plans for improving his country He investi- 
gated every account himself, heard every 
complaint ; and, while all speak of his kind- 
ness, benevolence and justice, his memory is 
unstained by the reproach of a single act of 
tyranny. Sir John Malcolm says : " I had, during 
two years, much communication with Nuzzur 
Mahomed, and personally knew him ; but I 
rely for the facts above stated, on Major Henley, 
the Political ^Agent at Bhopal, who enjoyed 
the fullest opportunities of observing and 

(148) He was the son of the agent before mentioned 

(149) His father Enayet Musseah (Shoohur Bourboun) was 
born at Gwahor He was the peison sent as Agent by theNuwab 
(Vizier JMabomed) in 1805, to the Resident in Smdiah's camp. 
He appears to have possessed a village neai Gwahor, which he 
lost after the Mahrattahs repossessed Gwahor, after its capture in 
I780 y by Major Popham, and to have gone to Bhopal about 60 
years ago. 



119 

appreciating the character of this remarkable 
young prince " A greater loss could not have 
occurred to a community in the condition of 
Bhopal, than the death of Nuzzur Mahomed 
Khan ; and that event was also a serious mis- 
fortune to the British Government, to which 
this virtuous prince was firmly attached. He 
was eminently qualified to be the popular 
instrument which was required to restore 
order and prosperity. His mind was elevated 
far beyond the usual range of native Princes- 
He cultivated knowledge of every description 
with extraodinary ardour, and had made 
considerable progress in the arts foreign to 
the occupations of his life, and the habits of 
his station. As a proof, it is stated that Nuz- 
zur Mahomed was particularly fond of 
mechanics ; and could himself take to pieces 
and put together a watch, with the principles 
of the construction of which he was well 
acquainted. 

Sir John Malcolm thus concludes his estimate 
and eulogium of his character : ff The fame 
of Nuzzur Mahomed will be long commemo- 
rated as an object of emulation to his successors ; 
but we must despair of seeing his equal He 
was, as most other such characters have been, 
formed by the early scenes of his life : (150) 
no instructions could have conveyed the lessons 

(150) When his father began to rule, Nuzzur Mahomed was 
only 16 years of age, and during the period of warfare, which 



120 

he had learnt, when encouraged by the ex- 
ample, and rewarded by the love of a noble 
father, he struggled with him to preserve a 
country rendered dearer from the extreme 
misery to which it was reduced ; and his mind 
was too well formed before the hour of suc- 
cess arrived, ever to lose that tone which it 
had received arnid scenes of difficulty and 
danger/' This is the language of the late Sir 
John Malcolm, who, when he penned this eulo- 
gium had 50 years' experience of Indian affairs ; 
had been for 35 years a political officer of the 
Government ; who knew the history of every 
native state, and the character of every prince 
in India ; who was, himself, a distinguished 
officer, the Hero of Mahidpoor, in 1819 ; and 
who, lastly, held the high office of Governor 
of Bombay. 

Nuzzur Mahomed left no issue by his 
princess, the daughter of Ghous Mahomed, ex- 
cept one daughter, the present Begum of 
Bhopal. He had not assumed the title of 
Nuwab, probably with modest deference to 
Ghous Mahomed, though he was always ad- 
dressed as such by the British Government ; 
for Ghous Mahomed, who had long lived in 
retirement, was never in any way, brought 
forward in any connexion between Bhopai 
and the British Government. In the en- 

lasted for nine years, he must have had little time to devote to 
improvement 



121 



gagement which was entered into at 
shungabad, and in the treaty made after the 
war, by which the cession to this state, and 
the amount of the contingent to be main- 
tained,, were finally settled, Nuzzur Mahomed 
Khan and his descendants were alone mention- 
ed ; and to them the government of the country 
was guaranteed. The right of Ghous Maho- 
med was never agitated. He was titular 
Nuwab, but not ruler. Ameer Mahomed, the 
brother of the deceased, had publicly resigned 
his birthright, and declared his incompetency ; 
but this abdication of right was very properly, 
Sir John Malcolm observes, not considered to 
affect the claims of his children. Mooneer 
Mahomed Khan, was to have succeeded his 
uncle, Vizier Mahomed, to whose daughter he 
was to have been married, that the interests 
of the family might, as much as possible, have 
been united in his person. But this marriage 
never took place, and his younger brother, 
Jehangier Mahomed Khan, was subsequently 
married to Secunder, the reigning Begum of 
Bhopal. It is to be remarked that the obliga- 
tions and engagements of the British Govern- 
ment have been exclusively contracted with 
the family of Vizier Mahomed Khan, who 
alone, have been recognized as rulers of 
Bhopal. 

With regard to the right of succession, Sir 
J-ohn Malcolm observes that, "no reference 



122 

was made to Ghous Mahomed, or to his sons, 
who are living on the estate assigned for their 
support at Bhopal ; nor do they appear ever 
to have urged their pretensions. It is, how- 
ever, \\onhy of remark, that although the re- 
presentative of the family of Vizier Mahomed 
may now be deemed entitled to the name, as 
well as power of Nuvvab of Bhopal, that title 
was still given by the inhabitants to Ghous 
Mahomed 

The Murajee Kheil Puthans of Bhopal, have 
some singular institutions, which arose out 
of their original agreement to maintain the 
habits and laws of their society, such as they 
existed in Afghanistan. It is from this 
patriarchal ^forra of Government, that they 
claim a limited privilege in the selection of 
their chief; to whom, however, they deny the 
right of interfering in the jurisdiction of their 
respective families. The rights of Affghans 
and other tribes, in this particular, are invari- 
ably limited by usage. They must choose a 
member of the ruling family ; and the Mura- 
jee Kheil chiefs of Bhopal, appear to have 
always adherefd as closely to hereditary 
succession, as attention to the general safety, 
during a state of anarchy and continual war- 
fare would admit. Sir John concludes with 
these words, so emphatically expressive of the 
feelings of the chiefs and people : Cf The habits 
and character of this body of men demand our 



123 

attention. With every good disposition to the 
British Government, and gratitude for the bene- 
fits they have derived from it, they are not only 
jealous of encroachment on their usages, but im- 
patient of neglect, and turbulent in a degree that 
requires much care in conducting our relations 
with them. They are, however, deserving both 
of that solicitude and favor which they have hi- 
therto received; for Bhopal is at this moment, 
(151) and ivill continue while well managed, an 
essential point of strength in Central India. 39 

1819. " By an arrangement framed in 1819, 
(153) by the Begum and the chiefs, and form- 
ally recognized by the British Government, 
Mooneer Mahomed Khan, the nephew of Vizier 
Mahomed, was declared the successor of the 
late Nuwab, and betrothed to his only daugh- 
ter. The regency continued in the hands of 
the Begum mother, during the minority. But 
the Nuwab finally relinquished his claim to the 
hand of the princess, with that of his succes- 
sion to the throne, in favor of his younger 
brother.' 3 The Begum mother was, at this 
period, not above 18 or 19 years of age, but 
she had been well educated; she was able 
to read and write the Arabic and Persian lan- 
guages, and possessed such a very superior 
mind, that she was able, some years afterwards, 

(151) 1832. 

(152) Bengal and Agra Guide and Gazetteer, 1841, vol. 2, patt 
2, p 235. 

R2 



124 

to carry on the affairs of the principality, 
owing to her extraordinary ability, and apti- 
tude for transacting all state affairs. 

1820. " In 1820, (153) the military force 
of Bhopal, it is stated, consisted of 2,000 ca- 
valry and 5,000 infantry, of which 1,000 were 
Affghans, from Cabool and Peshawar. The 
ordnance, garrison and field, amounted to 180 
pieces. The revenues were, by the Political 
Agent, estimated at only nine lakhs of rupees ; 
but, the full revenue, including Jaghiers, un- 
der good management, was supposed to be 
40 lakhs of rupees/' (154). 

1824. " In 1824 (155) the important ob- 
ject was attained of organizing the Bhopal 
contingent, by placing it under the command 
of a European officer, with whom the distri- 
bution of its regular monthly pay, and the pro- 
motion of its several ranks, were to rest ; to 
insure such a discipline as would render it 
available for operations with our forces, and 
secure its fidelity to the British Government/' 

1828. " Hakeem Shazad Musseeh, ( 1 56) who 
retired from the office of Dewan, to his Jaghier 
at Itchawur, died on the 1st of January, 1828. 
He held for many years the extraordinary posi- 
tion of a Christian being the minister of a state 
like that of Bhopal. In his youth, he was the 

(153) Ditto, p. 234 

(154) This estimate is very erroneous. The number of guns 
is far beyond the actual number. 

(155) Gazetteer, p. 235. (156) Dtfto, p. 235 



125 

friend of the distinguished ruler of Bhopal, 
Nuzzur Mahomed Khan, became his compa- 
nion in arms, and distinguished himself as an 
enterprizing and brave leader ; when virtually 
at the head of the administration, he displayed 
more rectitude of intention and firmness of 
conduct in his public capacity, and more inte- 
grity and disinterestedness in what regarded 
his private fortune, than can be often found 
united in the same individual. Such qualities 
commanded the respect and confidence of the 
court, and combined with the expenditure of 
a large portion of his private income, in unos- 
tentatious acts of charity and munificence ; 
secured for him the affections of the people. 
The general knowledge of the Hakeem, was 
superior to that of most native princes or gen- 
tlemen ; while the candid and unreserved man- 
ner in which he expressed himself on all sub- 
jects, rendered his conversation pleasing. He 
was succeeded, as minister, by Meean Kurreem 
Mahomed Khan, who continued satisfactorily 
to conduct the administration, aided by his 
Deputy Dewan, Khooshwukt Rae. The Ex- 
Nuwab, Mooneer Mahomed Khan, who had 
received on his supercession, a Jaghier va- 
lued at 40,000 rupees, (157) guaranteed by the 
British Government; appeared reconciled to 
the arrangement regarding himself." 

(157) The Begum mother, most generously, gave him, he* self, 
a much larger Jaghier. 



126 

1833, Lord William Bentinck, Governor 
General, arrived at Saugor, in January, 1833 
(158) The Begum mother, or Regent, as well 
as other chiefs of Malwa, sent a deputation to 
meet his Lordship. The Bhopal mission 
consisted of the Nuvvab, (who was accompanied 
by both his parents,) the minister (Meean 
Kurreem Mahomed Khan), and all the chiefs 
of the state. The young Nuwab, after the 
interchange of the usual ceremonial visits, 
in a private vi&it, begged to be placed in 
immediate possession of power. The Gover- 
nor General, though much pleased with the 
intelligence he displayed generally, (159) did 
not deem that request could then be complied 
with ; but encouraging assurances were given 
him ; on this occasion his Lordship presented 
two guns to the Nuwab. The Nuwab's parents, 
on the return of the Mission to Bhopal, retired 
to Raiseen, and the ex-Nuwab (Mooneer 
Mahomed) quitted the Nuwab's residence, and 
retired to a house provided for him in another 
part of the city. The minister's son (Sidk 
Mahomed Khan) was at this time appointed 
Bukshee, or Pay-master. The old minister 
(Meean Kurreem Mahomed Khan) died in July, 
1833, and his son (Sidk Mahomed Khan) receiv- 
ed the khillut of investiture as his temporary 

(158) Gazetteer, p. 236. 

(159) Said to be accomplished, and to well understand Arabic, 
Persian, and English. 



127 

successor: but the Begum Regent shortly 
afterwards dismissed him from office He had 
exercised a control over the Begum ; and never 
allowed her to adopt any course deemed by him 
objectionable. The Begum, who was about 
32 years of age, now determined to look after 
her own interests. She began to transact 
business in public, (160) KhooshwuktRae was 
appointed temporary minister, and received the 
khillat and sword of office from the NuwaVs 
hands ; and the title of Rajah Bahadur." The 
Begurn was distinguished by an abhorrence of 
debt, to discharge which she was ever ready 
to dispose of her jewels, and make other per- 
sonal sacrifices ; she was liberal to her troops 
and friends, and a severe judge o(such of her 
servants as were convicted of a breach of 
faith, or oppression to her poorer subjects. 
In the choice of her servants charged with the 
departments of justice and revenue, she show- 
ed singular discernment ; and, indeed, it was 
their worth and character which chiefly up- 
held her and her cause. 

On the death of Meean Knrreem Mahomed 
Khan, Baboo Seetaram, a Kunoujeeah Bra- 
min, became Deewan. He had previously been 
Vakeel at Indore. He was the Deewan of 
Bhopai about three and a half years, and 
was succeeded by Khooshwukt Rae. This 
person went to England in the year 1825, and 

(160) Bengum Sumroo did so. 



128 

returned to India about two years before Lord 
William Bentinck came to India, 1828, as 
Governor General. He again went to Eng- 
land about the end of 1828, with the celebra- 
ted Ram Mohun Rae, whose cousin he was. He 
remained in England about three years, and re- 
turned in the same ship with Bishop Wilson, the 
present metropolitan of British India. Ram 
Mohun Rae died in England in the year 1832. 
The state of affairs, in Bhopal, while See- 
taram Baboo was Deewan, continued to prosper 
under his able management ; but, as in former 
times, there was a Puthan faction which dis- 
liked the arrangement. Seetaram, like most 
of the higher class of Brahmins, understands 
Arabic, Persian, Sanscrit, and the Bengalee 
language; and his family had been for a 
great many years employed in the Bhopal 
principality. It has, at times, happened in 
that country, that some Puthan noblemen have 
been displeased at a Hindoo possessing the 
influence and powers of Deewan : but, the 
only remedy for such a state of things is, for 
the Puthan nobles to qualify themselves for 
office. 

1835. This year the marriage of Secunder 
Bebee with the Nuwab Jehangier Mahomed 
Khan, was solemnized on the 18th of April, 1835. 

1836. In 1836, the Guide and Gazetteer states 
that " Secunder Begum showed that she, also, 
had begun to be actuated by ambitious views, 



129 

the discharge of the duties of the office of Ruler, 
and deeming it necessary to qualify herself for 
that she should see the country and the Pur- 
gunnah officers, she started on the tour of the 
districts " (161) The young Begum was now 
about 20 years of age, and it was not surpri- 
sing that, at such an age, she should wish to 
learn to govern, and to desire to see her 
country, and judge for herself, from personal 
observation. She knew perfectly well that 
Begum Sumroo transacted her own public af- 
fairs, and gave her own directions in matters 
which she could not personally superintend, 
such as the command of her troops. (162) 
She knew the exact rent of each village of her 
Jaghier, and had some very fairly disciplined 
troops. The young Begum knew, by experi- 
ence, that by the lamented death of her father 
(Nuwab Nuzzur Mahomed Khan) her mother 
had become Regent at an early age, and after 
a time took upon herself the conduct of pub- 
lic affairs, which she executed with much 
ability. The young Begum herself might, 
also, be placed in the same unfortunate position. 
The question of the Purdah (163) is one of 



(161) Must mean Purgunnahs, so called m that country 

(162) Mr Dyce Sombre, now so well known in Europe, had 
the general management of her affairs, under her general direction. 

(163) Purdah. It must be, here, stated that when a Begum or 
princess transacts business m public, i. e. m the Udalut, or 
Court of Justice, she is not seen ; but sits behmd a lattice-worked 

S 



130 

long established custom among Mahomedans. 
But it is a custom which does not prevent the 
female sovereign of a country from exercising 
in public the duties of the state. Without a 
proper knowledge gained by travelling through 
the country, and listening to complaints, how 
can a prince or princess select proper minis- 
ters, (164) or do justice to the people ? 

1837. It was at length settled, after a ne- 
gotiation of some days, that the Nuwab, hav- 
ing been previously placed on the musnud, or 
throne, on the 29th of November, 1837, the 
Begum mother assisting, and taking part in 
the ceremony, should be inducted into the 
despatch of public business. In July, in the 
year 1838, Secunder Begum was delivered of a 
daughter 

door, and hears what is said, and gives answers, and decides cases 
in pei son. 

(164) The time has arnved when attention m India is being 
directed to the education of females, natives of India Nothing 
will more improve the minds and morals of the people, because it 
will raise the character of the women ; and in all countnes where 
the females are well educated, it is held to be a reproach to the 
men to be infenorly educated. Good education tends much to 
social order, and respect to Governments. The ignorant cannot 
appreciate the measures of their supenors, so long as they are 
uneducated The well-educated can and will act as a check upon 
the licentious and disorderly. It is to be hoped that the Verna- 
cular plan will be earned out. Until a useful education shall be 
given to the natives, by which they shall be enabled to under- 
stand the best mode of labouring in their calling, and to become 
acquainted with the more perfect systems of other nations ; there 
will be no improvement in agriculture, or in the arts. European 
modes, modified, may be adopted with advantage to India. 



131 

1840. " In the year 1840, the political 
agent at Sehore (165) submitted a proposal 
for the reformation of the Bhopai contingent, 
which was approved of by the Governor 
General. The late Brigadier AnquetiL, (166), 
was consulted as to the re-organization of the 
corps The Nuwab agreed to increase the 
tribute (167) paid for its maintenance from 
130,000 to 138,000 rupees, in order to forward 
the completion of the projected reforms. The 
Cavalry were reduced from 300 to 256 sabres, 
and the Infantry from 653 to 528 fighting men, 
making a total of 784 men (168) The Infantry 
were thenceforth to have muskets instead of 
matchlocks, and an increased rate of pay. 
There were two guns attached to the corps. 
The corps to be commanded by'a European 
commandant assisted by an Adjutant" (169) 

It has been stated by Sir John Malcolm, (170) 
alluding to the exercise of authority by the 
Minister, that " The history of Bhopai, while 
this system continued, consists in the proceed- 

(165) The late Mr Wilkinson, of the Madras Civil Service 

(166) Killed in the retieat from Cabool m January, 1842. 

(167) Or rather the contingent was kept up (must be under- 
stood) in lieu of paying tribute , though the 125,000 rupees 
proposed as tribute was given up in 1818 

(168) The original numbeis were Cavalry 600 and infantry 
400, or total 1,000 men. The reform made the 784 men, with 
muskets, a more efficient corps than before ; particularly with the 
addition of the guns. 

(169) Gazetteer. 

(170) Page 365 

S 2 



132 

ings of the Dewans, or Ministers/' (171) It will 
have been observed that since the death of 
Dost Mahomed Khan, the Founder, in 1723, 
most of the Deewans have managed the state 
affairs : except in the time of Vizier Mahomed 
Khan, and of Nuzzur Mahomed Khan equal 
in military character to Dost Mahomed Khan ; 
and the above named Nuwabs were even more 
accomplished than the Founder of the princi- 
pality. It has been stated that the widow of 
Yar Mahomed Khan, greatly influenced the 
Councils of Bhopal for more than half a cen- 
tury. The Begum mother, when Regent of 
Bhopal, proved herself in every way, from her 
knowledge and acquirements, to be perfectly 
mistress of the art of Government : and her 
daughter, the present Begum of Bhopal, pos- 
sesses high qualities for the exercise of the 
sovereign power ; which has for some years 
been in her hands. These two princesses have 

(171) They have chiefly been Hindoos. The reason of it is 
this, Hindoos, Brahmins in particular, have more application than 
Mahomedans. Scarcely any Hindoo of good family is to be found 
who is not able to read and write Persian, if not Arabic, with fluency 
and facility. A high caste Brahmin will geneially possess a know- 
ledge of the Sanscrit language Mahomedan noblemen and gentle- 
men read for their own amusement, and if possessed of propeity, 
do not like the drudgery of office Mooieed Mahomed Khan, 
proved a very bad Deewan. Jowlad Khan and Chutta Khan, were 
originally Hindoos When Vizier Mahomed Khan was Dewan, the 
country prospered His conduct of affairs proved his aptitude for 
the Nuwabship. At Hyderabad, Chundoo Lai (of the writer caste) 
has for a great many years been Deewan, or Minister at that 
Court. 



133 

never allowed the Minister to decide alone, on 
state questions,, or on matters of consequence. 
It is to be hoped that measures may be adopted 
to improve the Bhopal principality., to the 
utmost of its means : and in accordance with 
the sincere desire of the ruling authorities ; for 
to use the words of Sir John Malcolm " Bho- 
pal is at this moment, and will continue while 
well managed, an essential point of strength in 
Central India:' (172) 

(172) From an extract of a letter of the 13th December 1844, 
from Indore, it appears that the Nuwab of Bhopal, Jehanghir 
Mahomed Khan, died on the 9th of December, 1844. It is said 
that the daughter of the Nuwab, and of the present (Secunder) 
Begum of Bhopal will be the successor. 



ERBATA, 



Page 3, note 5,/or " 40" read " 140 years." 



8, 



/or"puthan"rcflrf"Puthan." 



9> 
10, 

--" 13j ' 

9, note 12, ke 4,/or "toh" read " to." 

17,/or "Jowlad," read "Fowlad." 

ke 13,/or "resolute," read "violent." 
19, ke 4,/or Sahore," read " Sehore " 

38, ke 14,/or " an" read "no." 

43, ke 14,/or " Hylut," read " Hytut." 

46,ke5,/or"he,"m<*"be." 

52, note 62,/or "Nowlut Ba Lai," read " Nowbut Lai " 

70, ke 2, after " town," pat " ;". 

89, ke 14,/or "Soneepoor," read "Sonepoor." 

91, ke 18,/or " Sapgur," read " Sangor." 

107, ke 5 in note, after " these," put a comma, and after 

"letters," omit comma. 

108, ke 2, m note 131,/or " Itchamur," read "Itchawur." 
112, note 138,/or " Namdur" read " Namdar." 
115, note 142, ke 9, before Baitooljor "or," read "and," 

after " Baitool," add "wanting." 
129, read ke the second before the first ke. 
132, ke 9, in note 171,/or " Jowlad," read " Fowlad."